Yah, kalau bukan Paus besar ada yang semi, atas, menengah atau bawah.
Contoh adalah tuh yang mau mbakar Al Qur'an. Jemaahnya sa' ndeso namun
lagaknya sa' jagad atau para pelindung pedofil.

Utk apa nyerang Vatikan? Siapa yang mau perang kesana? Kalau dulu lah
Vatikan punya kapasitas urk perang. Sekarang tinggal bank (yg kapan hari
di audit ternyata jadi tempat pencucian duit) dan autorisasi tertentu.

Abu Bakar r.a, Umar r.a dan Utsman r.a tiran?
Mao, Stalin, Hitler, Polpot lupa?
nT trauma sama Islam sampai ketakutan 1/2 mati?

--- In [email protected], "muskitawati" <muskitawati@...> wrote:
>
>
> > "ndeboost" rambitesemak@ wrote:
> > Yah, tinggal nunggu menjalar ke
> > kerajaan para Paus.
>
> Enggak mungkin lah, gimana mau menjalar ke kerajaan para Paus, emannya
jumlah Paus didunia ini ada berapa???
>
> Bahkan paus di Vatican juga hanyalah simbolis tidak punya tentara,
tidak bisa berperang, dan tidak punya polisi atau tentara.  Vatican itu
bukanlah kerajaan, tapi mungkin seperti kerajaan tapi bukan karena
kepausan itu bukan seperti pemerintahan yang ada penjara, polisi dan
tentaranya.
>
> Vatican itu sendiri letaknya didalam negara Italia, hanya terpisah
secara administrative saja.  Jadi kalo vatican diserang, maka yang turun
melawannya adalah tentara Italia, atau pasukan UN.
>
> Jadi enggak mungkin ada demo bisa menjalar ke tempat Paus.  Demo ini
hanya terbatas di-negara2 Islam yang supressive diperintah secara
Syariah Islam yang dasarnya tyranical seperti dizaman Abu Bakar, Umar
dan Muhammad dulunya.  Sebabnya diluar masyarakat Islam semua manusia
mengenyam kebebasan yang luas sehingga bisa merasakan betapa indahnya
hidup ini.  Bahwa kehidupan itu bukanlah untuk menyembah Allah,
melainkan untuk saling membahagiakan bukan saling menganiaya sebagai
kewajiban membahagiakan Allah.
>
> Ny. Muslim binti Muskitawati.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> >
> > --- In [email protected], "sunny" <ambon@> wrote:
> > >
> > >
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/03/07/AR201103\
0703899.html?wpisrc=nl_opinions
> > >
> > > After the revolution, establishing democracy
> > >
> > > By Roza Otunbayeva
> > > Tuesday, March 8, 2011
> > >
> > > BISHKEK, KYRGYZSTAN
> > >
> > > In the heart of Central Asia we are watching with solidarity as
events unfold in the Middle East. The "people power" that the world
witnessed in Tunisia and Egypt reminds us in Kyrgyzstan of our own
victory last year against a corrupt dictator. Nothing can be more moving
than to see humans celebrate their freedom. There are many skeptics and
cynics who warn against popular revolutions, citing the violence and
instability that they unleash, and the unpredictable consequences. There
are those who dismiss national uprisings as shows set up by foreign
governments, international media and terrorist groups - claiming that
millions of people are all on hallucinogenic drugs.
> > >
> > > To these critics, our response is clear: We are humans.
Irrationality may be simply part of our nature. Muslim or Christian,
black or white, we are wired that way: The Almighty provided us with
such a powerful sense of dignity that we cannot tolerate the denial of
our unalienable rights and freedoms, no matter what real or supposed
benefits are provided by "stable" authoritarian regimes. It is the magic
of people, young and old, men and women of different religions and
political beliefs, who come together in city squares and announce that
enough is enough. During such times we discover that the youth we had
always grumbled about as uninterested and apathetic are also patriotic,
brave and so selflessly heroic that they choose liberty even at the cost
of their lives.
> > >
> > > Having paid such a high price, we cannot squander the historic
opportunity we have to right past wrongs and to build a better state and
a more just society. Our experience, however, tells us that there is no
highway to democracy. In fact, toppling the dictator may well be the
easiest part.
> > >
> > > Each country faces a unique set of challenges. After years of
totalitarian leadership, most countries must first untangle the
suffocating net of draconian rules that had been dictated into
legislation by the ruling few, who acted in their own interest. In
Kyrgyzstan, we brought together all political parties and a wide array
of civil society leaders to draft the new constitution. After several
weeks of frequent televised debates and a thorough search for a national
compromise, the Constitutional Council agreed to transform our country
from a strong presidential system into a parliamentary republic. Within
three months of the fall of the Bakiyev regime, the new constitution was
put to a national referendum.
> > >
> > > Whatever good intentions people have to build a democracy, no one
should be tricked into holding elections overnight. After years of
one-person rule it is important to first ensure that political parties
are able to compete around the country and have access to voters, that
there is a free press to provide for national dialogue, and that civic
associations have space and the opportunity to advocate their interests.
Most important, the rule of law must be provided for. This is the
hardest part. For years our societies have been repressed. Newly found
freedoms can be too intoxicating. Shortly after revolutions, law
enforcement bodies are mostly discredited and too weakened to provide
for the public order. This is where we most tragically stumbled:
Interethnic conflict between the Kyrgyz and Uzbeks took many lives last
year and almost tore apart our country.
> > >
> > > Support from the international community is vital. Sympathy and
understanding from immediate neighbors are even more crucial. The people
of Kyrgyzstan are forever indebted to the friends, near and far, who
helped us through our challenging times.
> > >
> > > The new country we are building is inclusive and grounded in the
rule of law. We choose to celebrate our differences and to resolve them
not in the streets but in parliament, via democratic channels. Through
all of this, the Kyrgyz people have persevered, as will our brothers and
sisters in the Middle East. The path to democracy is not easy, but it is
the only way forward.
> > >
> > > The writer is president of Kyrgyzstan and a recipient of the U.S.
secretary of state's 2011 International Woman of Courage award.
> > >
> > >
> > > [Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
> > >
> >
>




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