Arm the Libyan rebels to fight Gadhafi
By Angel M. Rabasa, Special to CNN
March 24, 2011 -- Updated 1116 GMT (1916 HKT)
tzleft.rabasa_angel.jpg
STORY HIGHLIGHTS

    Angel Rabasa: U.S. should arm the Libyan rebels so they can resist 
Gadhafi's forces
    He says a similar move in Bosnia helped end that conflict
    U.S. should recognize Benghazi government as the legitimate ruler of Libya
    He says involvement on the side of democracy in Libya would be good for the 
U.S.

Editor's note: Angel M. Rabasa, a member of the Bosnia Train and Equip Task 
Force in the early 1990s, is a senior political scientist at the RAND Corp., a 
nonprofit institution whose mission is to help improve policy and 
decision-making through research and analysis.

(CNN) -- The no-fly zone and air strikes on military targets of the Gadhafi 
regime bear close parallels to events in Bosnia in autumn, 1995, when NATO air 
strikes and the threat of further attacks halted the Bosnian Serb military 
onslaught against Bosnian Muslim targets.

If effective, the international action might prevent the Gadhafi forces from 
crushing the rebellion in Libya, but it will not end the conflict.

The Gadhafi regime retains overwhelming military superiority over the 
Benghazi-based Interim National Council. Unless the military imbalance is 
redressed, Gadhafi will retain the ability to threaten or renew his attacks on 
his opposition. As long as this situation persists, international military 
involvement in Libya -- to enforce the no-fly zone and prevent ground attacks 
by Gadhafi's forces -- will likely have to continue.

What the United States did in Bosnia might hold the key for an effective 
response to the crisis in Libya. In Bosnia, the United States sought to redress 
the military balance, which since the onset of the war in 1992 had heavily 
favored the Bosnian Serb army.

Opinion: Libya coalition sparks fierce debate

To restore balance and create conditions for lasting peace in Bosnia, it was 
necessary to establish a capable Bosnian Federation army. A "train and equip" 
program was implemented by a small interagency group based in the State 
Department.
Should coalition support Libyan rebels?
Battle for Ajdabiya
Gadhafi tanks turned into wreckage
What could be the end game in Libya?
RELATED TOPICS

    Libya
    Benghazi
    The Balkans
    Moammar Gadhafi

Despite the Europeans' skepticism and dislike for the program, it succeeded. 
The program raised donations of several hundred million dollars from Muslim 
countries, supervised the purchase of military equipment for the armed forces 
of the Federation and arranged for a U.S. contractor to train Federation 
troops. The program also helped promote other U.S. objectives in Bosnia by 
diminishing Iranian influence and ensuring the departure of the foreign 
fighters.

The situations in Bosnia then and Libya now grow more alike as the violence in 
Libya evolves into prolonged conflict. Despite establishment of a no-fly zone 
over Libya, there is little reason to expect that air or naval power alone will 
dislodge Gadhafi from areas he controls.

The U.N. Security Council resolution that authorized the no-fly zone and all 
necessary measures to protect civilians under attack in Libya did not call for 
Gadhafi's ouster. There are reports that some Arab countries are considering 
deploying ground troops to Libya. But if they do, their role would likely be 
protection of the civilian population in areas outside Gadhafi's control. That 
outcome would still leave Gadhafi in power in western Libya.

That leaves few effective options if the United States wants to prevent the 
crisis in Libya from leading to a prolonged armed conflict or de facto 
partition that leaves a ruthless, embittered dictator with a terrorist record 
in control of half the country. That situation could have long-term 
destabilizing consequences for Libya and the Middle East.

The way out of this conundrum would be for the United States to clarify its 
goals in Libya. Recognizing that lasting stability could only come about as the 
result of the removal of Gadhafi from power, the United States and like-minded 
countries could begin by recognizing the Benghazi government as the legitimate 
government of Libya. The Libyan National Council is, after all, a government 
set up by a popular uprising against tyranny and therefore inherently more 
legitimate than Gadhafi's government in Tripoli.

The United States also might consider launching an effort to provide the 
Benghazi government with arms and equipment to defend itself against Gadhafi's 
forces and to help it liberate western Libya. The U.S. need not become directly 
involved in the training and equipping of the Libyan opposition. As with the 
Bosnia train and equip program, a small U.S. team could help arrange for the 
purchase and delivery of arms, as well as supply training, possibly by third 
parties.

There are those who would caution that the United States does not know enough 
about the Libyan opposition to support it, but this is not entirely true. Some 
of the opposition leaders are former cabinet ministers and generals in the 
Libyan government, known to the United States and its allies.

As in all revolutions, a few of Libya's opposition leaders have emerged from 
the rank and file of protesters. Some may be Islamists, but this was also true 
in Bosnia during that war. If the U.S. were to simply stand aside, extremists 
could fill the gap, as occurred in the early days of the Bosnian war.

The U.S. decision to support victims of aggression paid off in Bosnia and 
advanced America's interests and values. Involvement on the side of the 
democracy movement in Libya would enable the United States to exercise a 
positive influence on Libya's evolution and prevent destabilizing outcomes.

The opinions in this commentary are solely those of Angel M. Rabasa.



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