http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/sbys-party-is-burning-down-the-house/452471

SBY's Party Is Burning Down the House
Yohanes Sulaiman | July 13, 2011

While discussing the Democratic Party's proverbial slow-moving train wreck, a 
colleague of mine remarked that the Nazaruddin case was akin to someone trying 
to get rid of a rat by burning down the house. The rat escapes, while the house 
is burned to the ground. 

It is an apt description of the upheavals in the party, with frequent new 
revelations about how entrenched corruption is in its ranks. The brands of both 
the Democratic Party and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's have been forever 
tarnished. 

Regardless of whether accusations involving Muhammad Nazaruddin - both those 
leveled against him and by him - are correct, the fiasco seems to prove the 
public's worst fears, that corruption is entrenched in the political elite. 
Even in a government led by a party that campaigned under the slogan "Say No to 
Corruption," a business-as-usual approach continues. 

Still, the question remains, why is the house on fire at all? Corruption 
happens all over the world, even in Singapore, a country so regulated that 
there is a rule on the mandatory flushing of public toilets. 

In 1966, Tan Kia Gan, then Singapore's minister for national development, was 
investigated for accepting bribes worth 70,000 Singapore dollars ($57,000 in 
today's terms). In 1976, the minister for the environment, Wee Toon Boon, was 
accused of accepting bribes worth more than 800,000 Singapore dollars from an 
Indonesian businessman. And in 1986, another minister for national development, 
Teh Cheang Wan, was investigated for accepting two bribes totaling a million 
Singapore dollars. 

Yet such corruption scandals did not tarnish Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, nor 
Singapore's stellar reputation as one of the cleanest nations on earth. 

In Indonesia, on the other hand, the latest survey by the Indonesian Survey 
Circle found that only 47 percent of respondents approved of the government's 
enforcement of the law, even though in October 2009, the Indonesian Survey 
Institute found that 84 percent of people approved of the government's attempts 
to eradicate corruption. 

The differences between Yudhoyono and Lee lie in the degree of decisiveness 
shown by the duo and their management of public perceptions. 

In Singapore's case, all three high-profile corruption cases were solved 
decisively and to popular satisfaction. Lee himself was instrumental in 
removing all of the ministers, regardless of their high positions in the 
government. Tan was stripped of his public appointments even though a witness 
refused to implicate him. Wee was convicted and imprisoned. Teh committed 
suicide before he was formally charged. 

It is notable that the prime minister was instrumental in ensuring that these 
suspects were brought to justice. Instead of sitting idly by or intervening in 
favor of the defendants, Lee fostered an image of a stern leader unhappy with 
graft and working against the defendants by first stripping them of their 
immunity from prosecution and then by letting the wheel of justice move 
uninterrupted. When the defendants were judged guilty, he promptly stripped 
them of their positions. Not surprisingly, the image of Singapore as a serious, 
squeaky-clean place remains untarnished. 

In Indonesia, Yudhoyono's authority is steadily undermined by his own passivity 
in dealing with corruption scandals. In the Bank Century case, many people are 
convinced that former Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati was a scapegoat to 
save the Democratic Party. The presidential pardon of Aulia Pohan - a senior 
Bank Indonesia official and the father-in-law of one of Yudhoyono's sons - 
smacked of nepotism and cronyism. 

In the case of Nazaruddin, the party's former treasurer, there have been 
official missteps and governmental agencies seem to be trying to outdo each 
other in destroying any remaining public trust in them. Nazaruddin's ability to 
leave for Singapore raised eyebrows. This was followed by the revelation that 
Singapore had actually signed an extradition treaty and was waiting for 
Indonesia to follow suit. 

When Yudhoyono last week berated his ministers, claiming they did only 50 
percent of what he asked of them, the dressing down elicited collective yawns 
of "been there, done that." 

This was not the first time Yudhoyono had berated his ministers in public and 
yet all of them remained in place. Thus, instead of scoring political points, 
people saw it as a political gimmick to threaten other parties not to take 
advantage of the turmoil within the Democratic Party. 

With official missteps occurring on a regular basis and the Nazaruddin case 
exposing corruption within the Democratic Party, it is no wonder that so many 
people are seriously questioning Yudhoyono's true commitment to eradicating 
graft. 

In contrast, Lee was known as a trigger-happy leader, willing to fire anyone 
who performed below his expectations. Not surprisingly, even today Lee remains 
influential in Singapore's politics. 

What really matters is whether people believe that the government will follow 
through on its promises. Many people believe that Nazaruddin's accusations are 
truthful, as it vindicates their perception of the political elite. 

In essence, the house is not burning due to a single rat. Rather, the house is 
burning because of a series of missteps by Yudhoyono and his party and a public 
weariness over corruption among the nation's leaders. 

  

Yohanes Sulaiman is a lecturer at the Indonesian National Defense University, a 
researcher at the Global Nexus Institute and a partner at the Ohio-based Center 
for World Conflict and Peace. He can be reached at [email protected]


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