Ref: Apa perbedaan antara hak rakyat Papua dengan hak rakyat di Bosnia, 
Makedonia, Kroati, Kosovo dan Sudan Selatan? 


http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/09/05/the-papuans%E2%80%99-il-legitimate-battle-independence.html
The Papuans’ (il) legitimate battle for independence
Harison Citrawan, Jakarta | Mon, 09/05/2011 8:00 AM 


Papua has once again come under not only the national but also the 
international spotlight. The situation was exacerbated by a leaked document 
about the Indonesian Army titled Autonomy of Papuan Separatists, on the 
Internet.

Many human rights activists were quick to voice criticism over the report. E. 
Pearson from the Human Rights Watch, for instance, wrote a subtle piece in the 
Huffington Post on Aug. 20, in which he clearly argues that the acts of some 
international supporters of Papuans are legitimate and lawful as they were not 
intended to harm Indonesia’s national integrity.

Certainly, in terms of human rights protection, an international cooperation 
should be deemed legal and legitimate, as in no matter what circumstances, 
human rights should be protected.

Nevertheless, the current discussion over the situation in Papua would not be 
sufficient to answer another significant issue in Papua of whether or not a 
group of indigenous Papuans, such as the Free Papua Organization (OPM), could 
take up arms and wage a lawful “battle for self-determination”.

The OPM’s prolonged battle, not to mention the current situation on the ground 
that could be described as armed conflict, is mainly based on the group’s 
demand to exercise their right to self-determination. 

By doing this, I presume, a group of people should have the privilege of taking 
up arms to fight for “liberation”. It is of course undeniable that one may find 
such demand in any other part of the world.

Last week, the Sri Lanka’s Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE), to name a 
few of those so-called “self-determination groups”, filed a case against the 
European Union (EU) with the European Court of Justice. By banning the 
organization, through putting them on the EU’s terrorist hit list in 2006, they 
argued that the EU had violated international law.

In an interview in the magazine International Justice Tribunal, the attorney 
for the LTTE, Victor Koppe, says that in the pursuit of self-determination, the 
LTTE consequently has both the right to resistance and to use arms as it is in 
an armed conflict. He mainly based such understanding on the UN Charter.

Of course, the situation in Sri Lanka might be quite different from the one in 
Papua, but can such reasoning be applied to the OPM’s battle for 
self-determination?

The right to self-determination is indeed tricky in terms of legal terminology. 
The unclear parameter of the right is as old as the application of the right 
and dates back to the decolonization era in the 1960s up to late 1980s. 

In discussing the legitimacy of the battle for this right, initially, I would 
convey several norms acknowledged in the United Nations (UN) practice.

It is clear, that within the ambit of the UN Charter, all member states shall 
refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force 
against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in 
any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations. 
Nonetheless, one possible lawful exemption on the prohibition of use of force 
is the act of self-defense.

In its Resolution 3070 (XXVIII), 1973, the General Assembly: “reaffirms the 
legitimacy of the peoples’ struggle for liberation from colonial and foreign 
domination and alien subjugation by all available means, including armed 
struggle”.

Furthermore, in the General Assembly Resolution 2625 about the Declaration on 
Principle of International Law, it solemnly proclaims at least two important 
principles related to this issue. 

First, the principle that states shall refrain in their international relations 
from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political 
independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the 
purposes of the United Nations, and second, the principle of equal rights and 
self-determination of peoples.

Based on the aforementioned laws, it can be concluded that states have the duty 
to refrain from the use of force upon people exercising the right to 
self-determination. It is also important to note that in international law 
discourse, the right of peoples to self-determination is today a right erga 
omnes (right toward all).

Thus, in order to gain legitimacy, one possible legal argument of the 
“self-determination groups” would be the act of self-defense. However, there is 
yet any exact answer for this as the international community is still divided 
on this issue. 

On the one side, some countries, mainly Afro-Asian countries, affirm the right 
to use force on the basis of that the colonial or suppressive power aggression 
itself is a violation of the UN Charter, therefore any counter attack against 
it should be deemed legitimate. On the other side, some countries, mainly the 
West, argue that peoples do not have the same status as the states enjoy in 
international law. 

Therefore, any privileges or rights in international law are not applicable to 
the peoples.

To conclude, back to the OPM’s battle, it is not always clear whether it should 
be deemed as legitimate under the current international law. One thing for sure 
is that the laws do not specifically rule such possibility of using arms and 
the states, presumably, will not grant an international legal status over them 
on their struggle for statehood.

Consequently, in terms of concept, it would be intractable for the OPM to 
struggle for statehood, following J. Crawford who opines that “a state is not a 
fact in the sense that a chair is a fact; it is a fact in the sense in which a 
treaty may be said to be a fact: that is, a legal status attaching to a certain 
state of affairs by virtue of certain rules”.

The writer is a staffer at the Human Rights Research and Development Agency 
under the Law and Human Rights Ministry. The opinions expressed are his own.


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