http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2011/1066/re1.htm
29 September - 5 October 2011
Issue No. 1066
Region
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875
Libya's unfinished agenda
Swinging right, or backwards? The NTC shies away from posing as a trend-setter 
of the Arab world for obvious reasons, reckons Gamal Nkrumah 

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Libya unquestionably suffers from the turmoil associated with moving abruptly 
from a political system in which power was confined to a relatively restricted 
elite, even a one-man show, to a more inclusive Western-style democracy. 

       Click to view caption 
      Anti-Gaddafi fighters fire a multiple rocket launcher near Sirte, one of 
Muammar Gaddafi's last remaining strongholds 
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Are Libyans wading into dangerous waters? The answer is yes. However, it is 
right for the Libyan people to do so nonetheless, so long as they are aware of 
the risks.

The studious lack of mutual criticism between the West and Libya's new leaders 
is somewhat disconcerting. Libyans must not focus exclusively on the 
opportunities that a post-Muammar Gaddafi dispensation provides. The forcible 
imposition of Western values on non-Western societies sometimes produces 
awkward outcomes. 

Gaddafi made much political capital from his readiness to defy the might of the 
imperialist West. However, he also did brisk business with his supposed 
adversaries and they seemed reconciled to his ineffectual antics in recent 
years, but in an about-face, they stabbed him in the back. The West branded 
Gaddafi a dangerous despot with a criminal record. It made no secret of its 
newly earnest wish to see him deposed. It supported, morally and militarily, 
the opposition groups that it hoped will be the instrument of its desire. 

Yet few in the West questioned the credentials of the disparate Libyan 
opposition forces fighting Gaddafi. They, in turn, never lost hope of getting 
decisive help from outsiders -- the West and conservative Gulf Arab nations 
alike. Today the West worries, no doubt, about the cohesion of the National 
Transitional Council (NTC). 

For all its fragility, the NTC announced that it would form a government of 
national unity next week. It is adamant that peace and prosperity will come 
only with stable democracy. Yet the NTC, in spite of the tremendous debt it 
owes NATO for freeing Libya from Gaddafi's stranglehold, might even be no 
friendlier to the West in the long-run. Civil war in Libya could turn into 
regional chaos engulfing the entire Saharan and Sahelian regions of northern 
and western Africa.

Nobody knows what will happen in Libya over the coming months. The more 
prominent of the NTC leaders have been quick to applaud the West at 
international forums such as the United Nations, others among the NTC rank and 
file have been more reticent. 

So was the West right to wade into the uncharted waters of Libya? The West 
faces practical difficulties in assisting the NTC. Policymakers in Western 
capitals see Libya's new leadership as divided and ineffective. Several NTC 
leaders themselves are implicated in crimes ostensibly committed by Gaddafi 
himself. The leaders of the NTC have described themselves as "moderate 
Islamists" whatever that means. It is not hard either to detect political 
resistance to Western-style democracy among the rank and file of the NTC. 

Such criticisms of the NTC should not be lightly dismissed. If NTC leaders 
succeed in deploying the threat of militant Islam to bludgeon secularist and 
socialist forces into submission, the results for Libyan democracy will even be 
more damaging. The West's propulsion of the NTC to power in Libya will be a 
Pyrrhic victory. 

With good reason, Gaddafi diehards will never accept their defeat as 
legitimate. The subject of Islam -- militant or moderate -- will become as 
bitterly polarised as democracy, and just as incapable of resolution through 
debate or compromise. Whatever the outcome of NTC power struggles, their 
dubious quest for transparency, imposed from outside, will be viewed by human 
rights organisations as an evasion of authentic democratic accountability. 
Libyans cannot afford such an abuse of their hard-won democracy.

Libya's new leaders need not worry that the pay-off from reform will be 
disappointing. Yes, tough times lie ahead. Democratic reforms are rather 
controversial, some will be fiercely resisted by the more militant Islamist and 
traditionally conservative forces. It is crucially important to remember that 
success for the NTC came by the narrowest of margins. 

Even as Al-Ahram Weekly went to press, the NTC's Liberation Army was forced to 
retreat from the besieged city of Sirte, Gaddafi's hometown, because of fierce 
resistance from the former Libyan leader's followers. Other Gaddafi bastions 
such as the town of Bani Walid to the immediate south of Tripoli and the 
southern city of Sebha, where Gaddafi spent considerable time during his youth, 
are still holding out against the NTC's Liberation Army. 

Gaddafi's daughter Aisha told reporters in Algiers that her father was "in good 
spirits and fighting alongside his supporters". Algeria is attempting to 
distant itself from the Gaddafi regime, however. and Algerian Foreign Minister 
Murad Mdeleci dismissed Aisha's comments as "unacceptable". She was given 
temporary political asylum in Algeria on condition that she does not utter 
controversial public statements, the Algerian authorities insist.

The Algerian daily Al-Akhbar reported that Gaddafi hangers-on, possibly 
including Aisha and other members of his family had left Algeria bound for 
Egypt. Egyptian authorities officially denied the Algerian reports. Such 
unconfirmed reports have not shed light on the whereabouts of Gaddafi's close 
family members, inner circle and high-profile sycophants. 

The most disconcerting development as far as the NTC is concerned is a growing 
sense of unease about the fate of Gaddafi. "The fact that he is still free and 
has wealth at his disposal can destabilise Libya and the region," Mahmoud 
Jibril, the NTC executive committee chairman said.

Tweedledum and Tweedledee, Mustafa Abdel-Jalil and Mahmoud Jibril, peer 
optimistically through the looking-glass of the global capitalist economy. Even 
as Libya's new leaders wrangle over the distracting details of democracy, the 
scheme hatched by Western investors to exploit the oil-rich country's resources 
unravels. 

Already the proposed democratisation and laissez-faire economic changes have 
prompted renewed talk of the vigour of the market and the gridlock of Gaddafi's 
discredited state capitalism. 

Italy's ENI, the giant oil corporation and largest foreign oil producer in 
Libya before Gaddafi was overthrown, announced the resumption of its oil 
extraction. France's Total, too, announced the restart of its oil production 
and exploration in Libya.

The NTC naturally glossed over these developments. The NTC clearly has a 
morning-after problem. It finds itself in a precarious environment of messy and 
protracted transition to democracy. A split in its ranks between "moderate" and 
"militant" Islamists hampers the NTC's efforts to effect radical reform. 

One can appreciate the predicament that has led the NTC to conclude that an 
appeal to the Libyan people for restraint is their best course of action. 

The NTC and the United Nations are deeply concerned about the proliferation of 
arms in Libya and the discovery of weapons of mass destruction stashed away by 
Gaddafi in remote desert depots. 

A depot of chemical weapons and yellow-cake uranium stockpiles across the 
country sounded the alarm bells in Western capitals. A depot of chemical 
weapons was supposedly found in the oasis town of Jufra, 435km south of 
Tripoli. Western fears abound that the weapons will fall into the hands of 
Al-Qaeda and already there are indications that some of the chemical stockpiles 
have been pilfered by "terrorist" groups affiliated with Al-Qaeda and have 
found their way to neighbouring countries such as Algeria, Chad, Mali, Niger 
and Sudan. Such allegations are unsubstantiated, but Western powers and the UN 
are taking the threat seriously.

Resentment in the international community is also growing about the treatment 
of an estimated 30,000 Sub-Saharan Africans stranded in Sebha and other 
southern cities in the province of Fezzan, southern Libya. Black people are 
asked to produce identification documents to prove that they are local Libyans.

The UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Libya Panos Moumtzis warned that the UN was 
"extremely concerned about civilians being caught up in the middle of the 
conflict regardless of which side it serves."

Another bone of contention between the NTC and its Western benefactors is the 
re-activation and resumption of the Lockerbie file. The NTC insisted that the 
Lockerbie file be closed once and for all. Scotland, however, has submitted an 
official request to Libya's new leaders to look into the Lockerbie affair. 
Scotland's chief prosecutor Lord Advocate Frank Mulholland requested that 
Abdel-Baset Al-Megrahi, the chief suspect in the Lockerbie affair, stand trial, 
a request that was flatly denied. 

A senior Gaddafi aide General Belgacem Al-Aibaaj was captured by the NTC and 
there are hopes that he might lead them to Gaddafi's hiding place. 

Libya's on a knife-edge. Sceptics roll their eyes at Gaddafi's ominous prophecy 
that the militant Islamists and Al-Qaeda will take over the country if and when 
he steps down. Now that he's out of office, there's more than a suspicion that 
his divination will come true.


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