http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/hard-line-group-occupies-yasmin-church-sidewalk/472067

Hard-Line Group Occupies Yasmin Church Sidewalk
Vento Saudale | October 17, 2011

 Youth leaders and politicians in support of the controversy-plagued GKI Yasmin 
church in Bogor, which was obstructed again over the weekend. From 5 a.m. on 
Sunday, Oct. 3, 2011 police were on standby at the church, having roped off the 
sidewalk where worshipers had been forced to pray in recent weeks since the 
city sealed the building. (JG Photo) 


Bogor. Hundreds of men from a local Muslim hard-line group occupied the roadway 
in front of the GKI Yasmin church on Sunday, forcing congregation members to 
hold their service a kilometer away from their sealed building. 

The churchgoers have been staging prayers on the sidewalk outside their church 
for more than a year now, after the Bogor city government sealed off the 
building. However, on Sunday police had blocked access to the church by 7 a.m. 

“[The congregation members] were not permitted to come any closer for security 
reasons. We are afraid they will clash with members of Forkami,” said Bogor 
Police Chief Adj. Comr. Hilman, referring to the Indonesian Muslim 
Communication Forum. 

Since dawn on Sunday, some 200 Forkami members had been occupying the pavement 
in front of the GKI Yasmin where churchgoers usually staged their prayers. The 
men, dressed in white robes and skullcaps, shouted praises to Allah and were on 
the lookout for GKI congregation members. 

“We are grateful that no GKI Yasmin people dared to show their faces here,” 
Forkami chairman Ahmad Iman told his members in the oration. 

“We want this church building to be gone next week. If it still stands, then we 
will personally bring it down.” 

Bogor Mayor Diani Budiarto has stood in defiance of a Supreme Court order to 
reopen the church after the court ruled that its closure was illegal. 

The Ombudsman commission has also written to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono 
saying that Diani had violated the court order. 

“This is just a recommendation for the president and the legislature, so there 
is no problem for the Bogor city government [in not abiding by the ruling] 
because any institution has the right to issue such recommendations,” the mayor 
said. 

The Bogor administration initially issued a building permit for GKI Yasmin in 
2006, but it revoked it two years later, alleging that the church had falsified 
the signatures required by law to obtain it. 

Since the closure decision was annulled by the court in December, Diani issued 
another letter ordering the church to be relocated, saying that GKI Yasmin had 
been built on a street with an Islamic name. 

“The city government has been given the authority by the central government to 
resolve the dispute, so we did, by issuing a decision letter on March 11,” 
Diani said, adding that the surrounding neighborhood had been opposed to the 
church’s construction. 

“GKI is welcome to use the land provided by the city government on Jalan 
Siliwangi and all expenses will be compensated.” 

GKI Yasmin spokesman Bona Sigalingging said that by rejecting the court’s 
decision, the mayor was blatantly refusing to abide by the law. 

“We see that the central government has remained silent and showed no 
commitment in executing the Supreme Court decision and Ombudsman 
recommendation,” he said. “When can we pray in our legally built church?” 

The chairman of the Bogor Communion of Churches (BKGS), Henky Benaya, said the 
city government has discriminated against the construction of new churches as 
well. “We see that acquiring building permits for churches in Bogor is 
difficult and can take years,” he said. 

Henky added that the BKGS, as the representative of some 84 churches in Bogor, 
had never been consulted in the city’s decision to seal off or relocate the GKI 
Yasmin. 

“We just hope that the matter will be resolved soon, and we all are praying for 
it,” he said. 

+++++

www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/debate-over-indonesian-religion-bill-heats-up/473591

Debate Over Indonesian Religion Bill Heats Up


Ulma Haryanto & Anita Rachman | October 24, 2011


Rahmat Rahmadijaya, an Ahmadiyah leader living in Jatibening, Bekasi, has been 
anxious for a few weeks now. 

At first he didn’t want to talk, but he later changed his mind. “If I speak 
out, maybe I can get people to support us, to pray for us,” he told the Jakarta 
Globe in a recent interview. 

He is anxious because of a decree signed by Bekasi’s acting mayor, Rahmat 
Effendi, that bans the Muslim minority group from conducting activities that 
may be interpreted as an effort to spread its beliefs. 

The ban went into effect on Oct. 13. Since then, Rahmat and other members of 
the Ahmadiyah community in his neighborhood have started holding Friday prayers 
under tight security from Bekasi Police. 

“Our second Friday prayers went relatively normally, about 60 people joined 
in,” said another resident, Abdul Rohim. 

“We don’t know about next week, though.” 

In Need of a Law? 

The fear appears to be justified. Several violent incidents have targeted 
Ahmadiyah communities throughout the country. 

One of the worst — an attack in February by a mob of at least a thousand on an 
Ahmadi group in Cikeusik that left three members of the sect dead — spurred a 
discussion over a long-delayed bill on religious harmony. 

At the time, the bill was presented by lawmakers as a long-term solution to the 
religious conflicts plaguing the country and to give a stronger legal basis to 
joint ministerial decrees that regulate religious matters in the country today. 

Last week, Coordinating Minister for People’s Welfare Agung Laksono, Religious 
Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali and Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi 
reiterated their endorsement of the bill. 

“We need a regulation that contains both conflict prevention and solutions to 
the problems obstructing religious harmony,” Agung said. 

The current draft of the bill regulates various religious rights and 
obligations such as proselytizing, celebrating religious holidays, constructing 
places of worship, funerals and religious education. 

“The original version of the draft, written by the staff of the Religious 
Affairs Ministry, dated back to 2003,” said Ismail Hasani, a researcher at 
Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy. “The current draft is more or less 
the same.” 

The bill is part of the 2011 National Legislation Program (Prolegnas), or the 
list of priority bills for the year, but it has been delayed as the House of 
Representatives has turned its attention to other bills. 

Will It Help? 

Setara deputy chairman Bonar Tigor Naipospos, an advocate of pluralism, isn’t 
looking forward to the religious harmony bill being passed into law. 

He said it would only legitimize existing discriminatory regulations within the 
1965 Anti-Blasphemy Law and a 2006 joint ministerial decree on places of 
worship, which has contributed to a number of conflicts. 

In Bogor, for instance, Mayor Diani Budiarto has used the ministerial decree to 
continue to defy a Supreme Court ruling ordering the reopening of the GKI 
Yasmin Church. 

The 2006 joint ministerial decree requires 60 signatures from local residents 
in support of the construction of a place of worship, but the mayor has claimed 
that GKI Yasmin forged the signatures. 

The tension in Bogor came to a head two weeks ago, when churchgoers and public 
order officers (Satpol PP) clashed in front of the sealed building. 

West Java Police are now investigating complaints filed by both camps against 
each other. A Satpol PP chief is accusing GKI Yasmin churchgoers of hitting him 
in the jaw and knocking him unconscious, while the church is countersuing 
Satpol PP for disrupting its service. 

Bonar said the bill would be unhelpful to the cause of the Ahmadiyah as well. 
“The spirit of the law that condemns their belief, the 1965 Anti-Blasphemy Law, 
is still incorporated in the bill,” he said. 

Fears and Worries 

Abdul Kadir Karding, chairman of House Commission VIII, which oversees social 
affairs, urged the public to think positively about what the lawmakers in the 
commission were doing. 

He said the House wanted to give protection to minorities. 

“For instance, when there is a non-Muslim person living in a Muslim community, 
he or she has the right to use the same public cemetery like the majority,” he 
said. “In the Cikeusik case, we want this future law to ensure that the guilty 
will get punished.” 

Activists were outraged that most of the 12 people convicted in the Cikeusik 
attack were sentenced to just six months in jail — the same sentence given to 
one of the Ahmadi victims convicted of violent assault and disobeying police 
officers who had ordered him and about a dozen other Ahmadis to evacuate ahead 
of the attack. 

Karding acknowledges that unless the bill is carefully constructed, it risks 
becoming a tool for “hard-line groups to limit freedom of religion.” 

Fajar Riza Ul Haq, executive director of the Maarif Institute, asked the House 
to be more open in the drafting and deliberation. 

He said it should learn from the recently passed Intelligence Law, when both 
the House and government ignored public criticism. 

One critical point, he said, was how the House would define “harmony” in the 
bill. “They should have drafted a religious freedom bill instead of this one.” 

Harmony vs Freedom 

Harmony, for instance, could be used to justify the recently issued Bekasi ban 
on the Ahmadiyah’s activities, which states the ban is needed to “preserve and 
maintain the stability of conduciveness and security, peace and order in 
Bekasi.” 

Bonar views the religious harmony bill as the “middle way” after the 
Constitutional Court rejected a judicial review of the 1965 Anti-Blasphemy Law. 

“Because even though the court rejected the request because the law itself is 
not unconstitutional, it stated in its ruling that a revision or an update of 
the law was needed,” Bonar said. 

“Principally, we can’t agree with the law since it reflects the fact that this 
government thinks religious harmony is something that should be engineered, 
rather than grow naturally.” 

If the government really wanted “harmony,” Fajar said it should start 
addressing the prevalence of hate speech. 

In Jatibening, just before the ban on the Ahmadiyah was issued, members of the 
notorious hard-line group Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) were in the area. 

“They came to Jatibening and intimidated people, telling us to shut down our 
mosque about three weeks ago,” Rahmat said. 



Additional reporting by Vento Saudale 
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