http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/what-libya-has-inherited-from-moammar-gaddafi/2011/10/27/gIQA47ahMM_story.html?wpisrc=nl_politics
 
  Anne Applebaum 
  Opinion Writer 
What Libya has inherited from Moammar Gaddafi
By Anne Applebaum, Published: October 27 
BENGHAZI, Libya

Young men in fatigues hang around outside the offices of the Transitional 
National Council, carrying rifles and flashing V (for victory) signs at 
visitors. Inside, older men in leather jackets sit on sofas drinking tea, while 
temporary officials cope with clashing appointments and race up and down the 
hallways. It’s just how one imagines the Smolny Institute, Lenin’s St. 
Petersburg headquarters, in 1917: amateur, enthusiastic, disorganized, 
rumor-filled and slightly paranoid, all at once. In Smolny, though, there were 
no ringing cellphones to add to the general cacophony.



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And at least the Russian revolutionaries were operating within what had been a 
functioning society. By contrast, Libya’s late dictator, Moammar Gaddafi, has 
left an unprecedented, even weird, vacuum in his wake. Post-revolutionary Libya 
is truly a desert, not only in the geographic sense but in the political, 
economic, even psychological senses too.

Look, by contrast, at Libya’s post-revolutionary neighbors. Egypt has a 
sophisticated economy, a middle class, foreign investors and an enormous 
tourist industry, not to mention a long history of financial interactions with 
the rest of the world. Tunisia has a highly educated and articulate population, 
which has long been exposed to French media and political ideas. More than 90 
percent of Tunisians voted in the country’s first free elections last weekend. 
Outside observers proclaimed the voting impeccably fair.

Libya, by contrast, has neither a sophisticated economy nor an articulate 
population, nor any political experience whatsoever. There were no political 
parties under Gaddafi, not even fake, government-controlled political parties. 
There were no media, nor even reliable information, to speak of. Libyan 
journalists were the most heavily controlled in the Arab world, hardly anyone 
has Internet access,and there is no tradition of investigative reporting.

During four decades in power, Gaddafi destroyed the army, the civil service and 
the educational system. The country produces nothing except oil, and none of 
the profits from that oil seem to have trickled down to anybody. Some 60 
percent of the population works for the government, but they receive very low 
salaries — a few hundred dollars a month — in exchange. There is hardly any 
infrastructure, outside of a few roads. There is hardly any social life, since 
so many young people were too poor to marry. There wouldn’t be any public 
spaces to enjoy social life even if it existed: Trash is scattered along the 
undeveloped beaches, and old plastic bags blow back and forth across 
weed-clogged city parks.

Nature abhors a vacuum, and of course, in the absence of an army, militias may 
step into the breach: At the moment, some 27 of them, from cities all over 
Libya, have taken up residence in Tripoli compounds and spray-painted their 
names on the barricades. In the absence of regulatory bodies, newborn 
newspapers may well fall into the hands of business and political groups with 
foreign or old-regime connections too. When I met the deputy chairman of the 
TNC, Abdel Hafiz Ghoga, we discussed another “Russian” scenario: Newspapers 
start out enthusiastic and free, as they did in Moscow in the 1990s, but are 
gradually bought up by business conglomerates — until eventually they return to 
government control. The same fate could await new political parties.

And yet Libya’s unprecedented vacuum also offers unprecedented opportunities. 
One Libyan journalist — the editor of a brand-new magazine, which he has 
personally financed and staffed with volunteers — points out that none of his 
journalists ever learned to write regime propaganda, and all of them are 
therefore committed to telling “the truth.” The nonexistent economy and the 
absence of political institutions also means that there aren’t any entrenched 
interests that will set themselves against change, as they have done in Egypt. 
There aren’t even any well-organized Islamists, as there are in Tunisia.

On top of all that, Libya has the largest oil reserves in Africa, and — 
depending on who is counting — some $250 billion in foreign currency reserves. 
Much of the money Gaddafi never spent on his people is now sitting in the bank. 
In fact, I can’t think of another group of revolutionaries, at any time in 
history, who found themselves in quite such a fortunate situation. Usually, 
revolutions are born out of national bankruptcy. The first task of a new regime 
is to fill the state’s coffers. The second task is to tear down the 
institutions of the old regime. Libya’s task — how to spend its money wisely, 
and how to build new institutions from scratch — is both easier than anyone 
else’s and harder at the same time. And no, I’m not going to predict what will 
happen next.

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