http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2011/1071/eg2.htm
3 - 9 November 2011
Issue No. 1071
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875
Muslim Brothers in Tunisia and Egypt
The connections seem obvious, but are they valid, asks Amany Maged
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Click to view caption
Muslim Brotherhood members campaigning for the upcoming parliamentary
elections
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Soon after the Tunisian revolution ousted Zein Al-Abidine bin Ali, the Egyptian
revolution followed a similar path, though it resulted in former president
Hosni Mubarak facing trial whereas the Tunisian president fled the country. In
both Tunisia and Egypt there surfaced political parties formed by Islamists who
had suffered the ordeals of prison under the previous regimes. In Tunisia,
Al-Nahda movement revived and re-engaged vigorously in public life. In Egypt
the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis received fresh bursts of energy and
entered post-revolutionary politics with vigour.
Al-Nahda's success in winning 90 seats in Tunisia's constituent assembly has
raised the question whether the Muslim Brotherhood, and the Islamist trend in
general, will be able to score a similar victory in Egypt's parliamentary
elections.
Observers of Islamist movements in the Arab world see similarities between
Islamists in the two countries. The Muslim Brotherhood, founded in Egypt by
Hassan El-Banna in 1928, is the largest and most influential Islamist movement
in the Arab world. In the post-1952 period, in particular, its members were
frequently persecuted and imprisoned and the organisation, itself, was banned.
The ban was lifted following the 25 January Revolution and the group soon
formed the Freedom and Justice Party.
According to the Muslim Brotherhood, its aim is to promote "comprehensive
reform". Long the largest opposition movement in Egypt and elsewhere in the
Arab world, it sprouted numerous offshoots during the past half-century. It now
has affiliates in 72 countries.
The Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing are key players in the political
arena. It remains the foremost Islamist political force, though some young
members of the group have left, as have prominent members such as Abdel-Moneim
Abul- Fotouh, Mokhtar Nouh and Mohamed Habib.
Inspired in part by the Muslim Brotherhood's history of persecution and in part
by post- revolutionary circumstances, the Freedom and Justice Party espoused
consensual politics. It entered the Democratic Coalition and vowed not to
contest more than 50 per cent of parliamentary seats -- it has not kept the
promise, and is in fact contesting 65 per cent -- in an attempt to reassure its
opponents. It has stressed its commitment to power-sharing through a coalition
government, and has also promised not to field a candidate for the presidential
elections.
In Tunisia Al-Nahda Party used similar tactics. Its leader, Rached Ghannouchi,
emphasised the strength and popularity of his movement, cautioning that "any
government formed without it would be weak," while at the same time pledging
Al-Nahda's commitment to power-sharing.
Al-Nahda Party's articles of association do not declare a link to the Muslim
Brotherhood, but nor has it denied the connection. Some sources maintain that
it was ideologically and organisationally inspired by the Muslim Brotherhood,
whereas others say that while Ghannouchi considers the Muslim Brotherhood an
ally, he does not see it as having any authority, be it hierarchical or moral,
over his own movement. Yet the fact remains that Ghannouchi, Al-Nahda's
founder, is a member of the International Guidance Bureau of the Muslim
Brotherhood.
Al-Nahda shares a number of traits with the Muslim Brotherhood. Both, says
Islamist expert Ali Abdel-Aal, have a strong organisational capacity and access
to substantial funds. He expects the Islamists in Egypt to do well in
parliamentary elections but doubts they will secure an overall majority.
Al-Nahda, he adds, issued several messages following the electoral victory that
entitled it to head the assembly charged with drafting the new constitution,
clearly intended to reassure its opponents.
Ghannouchi stressed to the Tunisian public that he would not be "another
Khomeini". In a statement delivered after the elections he stressed that
Tunisia would be a free, independent and prosperous nation that safeguards the
rights of all its citizens, regardless of gender or religious affiliation. He
added that Tunisian women would not be forced to wear the veil.
He also sought to reassure critics with regard to freedom of artistic
expression. In an interview on Tunisian television he said cinema did not
constitute a threat to public morals. Islam, he argued, encourages theatre,
cinema and photography. He characterised Islam as itself "a work of art".
On Israel, he said that Al-Nahda had no intention of dealing with it.
"We will remain open to the world, but not to Israel, because it is an
occupying power. There will be no recognition of it, no diplomatic relations
and no commercial exchange."
Reinforcing Ghannouchi's message, Al-Nahda Secretary-General Hamadi Al-Jebali
announced that the party "will allocate half the seats it won in the
constitutional assembly to women activists in the movement, regardless of
whether they are veiled or not". As though to confirm this commitment Souad
Abdel-Rahim, who is unveiled, was given a ministerial position in the interim
government.
Observers anticipate that Al-Nahda will nominate either Munsif Al-Marzouqi,
secretary- general of the Congress for the Republic Party, or Mustafa bin
Jaafar, secretary-general of the Democratic Forum for Labour and Liberties, as
president. Both are moderate leftists.
In Egypt the Muslim Brotherhood, allied with the liberal Ghad and Karama
parties, has also pledged not to field a presidential candidate. Freedom and
Justice Party Secretary-General Mohamed El-Katatni has also said his party will
not seek to impose its own candidate as parliamentary speaker, and wanted only
to ensure that whoever does occupy the position is competent. In the past
El-Katatni had stood against Fathi Sorour, the NDP's long standing, and now
imprisoned, People's Assembly speaker.
Whatever reassuring noises Al-Nahda makes the real challenge -- as in Egypt for
the Muslim Brotherhood -- is to ensure that its commitment to moderation
remains firm. The Muslim Brotherhood must now follow up on its reformist
pledges. Will it, one wonders, allocate half its own seats on the committee
charged with drafting a new constitution, to women? And if it does, what will
be the reaction of the even more staunchly conservative Salafis?
[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
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