--- In [EMAIL PROTECTED], "Codruta" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> From: cbjola <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
> 
> > Iar ma deprimi... Ce legatura spui ca as avea eu cu astfel de
> > super-loseri? Nu pricep nene, mai ales ca in afara de prostest-ro
si
> > eu-list, nu mai activez pe nici o lista.
> 
> dhrrrraga, ma refeream la inclinatiile tale post-moderniste ;)

Scuze, domle'. Am citit pe fuga... Si cine zici ca s-a legat de
post-structuralisti ca sa dau cu ea/el de pamant? Apropo, musiu
Derrida a dat saracu' coltzu' acu vreo 2 luni. Mare om! Stiu ca lumea
e infierbantata acum cu alegerile si bine face. Dar ma cam intristeaza
faptul ca atata atentie e acordata unor dobitoci-sadea ca
Bush-fascistu' si Nastase-Koruptu' si prea putina lume a remarcat
disparitia unuia dintre cei mai valorosi ganditori contemporani.
Vestea buna e ca Richard Rorty (dupa parerea mea, cel mai important
ganditor american ever), e inca activ si scrie ca la balamuc. 

Ca sa nu fac aceiasi greseala pe care o acuz la altii, uite colea un
articol din Le Monde, publicat in memoriam, dar doar partial:

http://mondediplo.com/2004/11/06derrida

The work of philosopher Jacques Derrida, who died on 9 October, was
anchored in current affairs. That is why he was invited to Le Monde
diplomatique's 50th anniversary celebrations in May, one of his
last
public engagements. This is an edited extract from his speech.

By Jacques Derrida

I AM delighted that Le Monde diplomatique at 50 is, ever more
internationally, a key reference point for social movements grouped
under the banner of counter-globalisation. That doesn't mean that
any
grand revolution is about to remove the power centres that emerged
victorious from the cold war (represented by all those sinister
acronyms: IMF, OECD, WTO). But constant pressure from the
counter-globalisation movement and ordinary people the world over
cannot fail to weaken these institutions and force them to reform.
It's already beginning to happen. The same pressure will also
force
reform upon the institutions created by the victors of the second
world war: the United Nations and its Security Council.

In Le Monde diplomatique's first editorial, in May 1954, Hubert
Beuve-Méry said something that may have seemed conventional,
patriotic, even nationalistic. Given our shared mission "to work for
the peaceful development of international relations," he said,
"everything points to Paris as the natural home of such a paper and to
French as its natural language".

Le Monde diplomatique has since become a truly international
publication, translated into 18 languages and seen as a paper of
reference all over the world. But it is still firmly based in Paris.
To me, that shows the paper's deep-rooted Europeanness. I cannot
imagine such a paper thriving in the same way, with the same degree of
liberty and the same high standards, in a different country or a
different continent. That implies that we, as Europeans, have a unique
political consciousness and sense of duty. It doesn't mean the
paper
and the movements it champions are limited to a Eurocentric or
Franco-centric perspective. Rather, it should serve as a reminder of
Europe's role in the counter-globalisation movement.

Caught between US hegemony and the rising power of China and
Arab/Muslim theocracy, Europe has a unique responsibility. I am hardly
thought of as a Eurocentric intellectual; these past 40 years, I have
more often been accused of the opposite. But I do believe, without the
slightest sense of European nationalism or much confidence in the
European Union as we currently know it, that we must fight for what
the word Europe means today. This includes our Enlightenment heritage,
and also an awareness and regretful acceptance of the totalitarian,
genocidal and colonialist crimes of the past. Europe's heritage is
irreplaceable and vital for the future of the world. We must fight to
hold on to it. We should not allow Europe to be reduced to the status
of a common market, or a common currency, or a neo-nationalist
conglomerate, or a military power. Though, on that last point, I am
tempted to agree with those who argue that the EU needs a common
defence force and foreign policy. Such a force could help to support a
transformed UN, based in Europe and given the means to enact its own
resolutions without having to negotiate with vested interests, or with
unilateralist opportunism from that technological, economic and
military bully, the United States of America.

I would like to cite Ignacio Ramonet's "Resistance", an editorial
written for the 50th anniversary issue in May. I agree with every no
and yes in that piece, but I would like to single out one yes for
special emphasis: the yes to a less market-dominated Europe. To me,
that means a Europe that is neither content merely to compete with
other superpowers, nor prepared to let them do as they please. A
Europe whose constitution and political stance would make it the
cradle of counter-globalisation, its driving force, the way
alternative ideas reach the world stage, for example in Iraq or
Israel-Palestine.

This Europe, as a proud descendant of the Enlightenment past and a
harbinger of the new Enlightenment to come, would show the world what
it means to base politics on something more sophisticated than
simplistic binary oppositions. In this Europe it would be possible to
criticise Israeli policy, especially that pursued by Ariel Sharon and
backed by George Bush, without being accused of anti-semitism. In this
Europe, supporting the Palestinians in their legitimate struggle for
rights, land and a state would not mean supporting suicide bombing or
agreeing with the anti-semitic propaganda that is rehabilitating (with
sad success) the outrageous lie that is the Protocols of the Elders of
Zion. In this Europe it would be usual to worry both about rising
anti-semitism and rising Islamophobia. Sharon and his policies are not
directly responsible for the rise of anti-semitism in Europe. But we
must defend our right to believe that he does have something to do
with it, and that he has used it as an excuse to call European Jews to
Israel.

In this Europe it would be possible to criticise the policies of Bush,
Cheney, Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz without being accused of sympathy for
Saddam Hussein and his regime. In this Europe no one would be called
anti-American, anti-Israeli, anti-Palestinian or Islamophobic for
allying himself with those Americans, Israelis or Palestinians who
bravely speak out against their own leaders,often far more vehemently
than we do in Europe.

That is my dream. I am grateful to all those who help me to dream it;
not only to dream, as Ramonet says, that another world is possible,
but to muster the strength to do all that is needed to make it
possible. This dream is shared by billions of men and women all over
the world. Some day, though the work may be long and painful, a new
world will be born.
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