WSJ
 
 
Unaligned Voters Tilt Rightward En  Masse
 
Nov 3 . 2010
 
By _GERALD F. SEIB_ 
(http://online.wsj.com/search/term.html?KEYWORDS=GERALD+F.+SEIB&bylinesearch=true)
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Associated  Press  
A tea-party supporter at a polling station at Kiker  Elementary School in 
Austin, Texas, on Tuesday.


Election Day turned out to be Independents Day for Republicans. 
A massive swing by independent voters propelled the Republican Party to a  
series of key victories, bringing the GOP back from a near-death experience 
just  two years ago, and delivering a rebuke to the president who rode the 
same  independent wave into the White House. 
In House races nationally, Republicans won the votes of independents—voters 
 who said they aren't affiliated with any party—by a 55% to 40% margin, a  
compilation of exit polls from across the country showed. 
 
 



That represents a stunning reversal from the last midterm election, in 
2006.  In that voting, which brought Democrats to power in the House, 
independents  favored Democratic candidates, 57% to 39%. 
In other words, independents' preference did an almost complete turnabout  
over the last four years: They favored Democrats by 18 points then, 
Republicans  by 15 points Tuesday. 
Independents also were a crucial element of the coalition that President  
Barack Obama used to win the White House two years ago, when, according to 
exit  polls, he carried them by 52% to 44%. 
In a nutshell, these independents Tuesday made up about a quarter of all  
voters, and provided the margin of victory for the GOP, because voters who  
identify with the two major parties stayed largely in line. Some 92% of  
Democrats voted for the Democrat in their local House race, and 95% of  
Republicans voted for the GOP candidate. 
 
 
Full Results by State
Senate, House, governors' and other races at the state, district and county 
 level 
 
 
 (http://newsapps.wsj.com/elections2010/#race=senate) 


    *   _More interactive graphics and photos  _ 
(http://online.wsj.com/public/page/0_0_WP_2003.html) 


But the very fickleness that independents demonstrated in these two midterm 
 elections means there's no guarantee they'll remain loyal to the GOP, any 
more  than they stuck with President Obama and his Democrats. 
Even more important, Tuesday's vote appeared to be more a protest against  
what Washington has been doing than a clear declaration of a mandate for a 
new  course. 
In effect, this year's congressional election brought forth a kind of 
primal  scream from the independents. They expressed a high level of anger at 
the 
 government, and were far more likely than voters overall to say the new  
Congress' top priority ought to be dealing with the federal budget deficit. 
"Independents aren't liberal spenders," said Republican pollster Whit 
Ayres.  "They're just not. And that, more than anything else, drove 
independents 
into  the Republican camp." For them, he said, the Democrats' big 
health-care overhaul  was the "coup de grace" that symbolized government grown 
too 
large. 
Still, for all the decisiveness of the independents' shift, this election  
hasn't resolved the most fundamental question facing the country: What 
should  the role of government be in the 21st century? 
Instead it has simply set up what figures to be a two-year debate over that 
 question in Washington, and ensures that it will be a focal point of the 
2012  election. 
Thanks to independents—along with other crucial swing blocs, such as 
suburban  women, blue-collar workers and retirees, all of whom also shifted 
toward 
the  Republicans—the GOP now has the strength to stop pieces of the Obama 
agenda and,  perhaps in some instances, roll it back. 
The testing ground figures to be the coming twin debates over government  
spending and the federal deficit. In the exit polling, 39% of voters overall  
said reducing the budget deficit should be the highest priority for the 
next  Congress; 46% of independents said it should be the top priority. 
And while this year's campaign has produced plenty of evidence of 
unhappiness  over government spending, it hasn't produced many signs that 
voters are 
prepared  to take the tough, specific steps that would really tackle budget 
deficits—or  reward politicians who prescribe such bitter medicine. 
 
 
Exit Polls
See how race, gender, age, income, key issues and other factors affected  
voters' choices in the House.  
 
 
 
 
 
 
_View  Interactive_ 
(http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704462704575590510679315310.html?mod=WSJ_ele_main#)
 

 
(http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704462704575590510679315310.html?mod=WSJ_ele_main#)
 



Election Day in Photos
 
 
 
 
 








When The Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll asked Americans this summer 
about  a variety of ways to cut the deficit, more than three-quarters of those 
polled  said it would be "unacceptable" to cut federal spending on education. 
More than  60% said it also would be unacceptable to raise the retirement 
age to 70 to  reduce Social Security expenses, or to gradually raise the 
eligibility age for  Medicare. 
Tellingly, the survey found that independent voters, for all their dismay  
with Washington, may not be any more open than other Americans to taking 
those  difficult steps. 
It's possible, of course, that the rise of the tea-party movement, with its 
 clarion calls to cut the size of government, will succeed in shifting 
public  sentiment toward accepting more cuts in such prized government services 
as  Medicare. Certainly the more expansive Republican contingents in the 
House and  the Senate are likely to test that attitude. 
In Tuesday's voting, four in 10 of those who answered exit polls said they  
were supporters of the tea-party movement. Just 31% said they were 
opponents of  the tea party. 
It appears that the movement did what GOP leaders who embraced it had hoped 
 above all: It energized core Republican voters at the grass roots in a way 
the  party's traditional leaders couldn't. 
Now, though, the danger for Republicans is that those tea-party activists, 
so  crucial to creating a GOP wave, are more gung-ho about slashing the 
government  than are independent voters. 
All of which suggests that the question of how far voters truly want to  
venture in shrinking government will be the crux of the debate in the new  
Congress—and in the next presidential campaign, as President Obama seeks 
another  term. 
Along the way, the fidelity of those independent voters to the Republican  
cause they have just advanced will be tested as well. 
"Obviously the real issue is the independents," said Democratic pollster  
Peter Hart. "If they are swinging to the GOP, then their share of the 
electorate  will increase after 2010"—which could produce a long-term shift in 
the 
fine  balance of power between the two major parties. 






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