(http://www.politico.com/)    
Dems: It's the White House's  fault
By: Ben Smith
November 3, 2010 06:21 PM EDT     
The bodies aren’t even cold yet in  the House, but the Democratic Party has 
already opened up a bitter debate  over who’s to blame. 

The party’s bloodied moderates Wednesday  released two years of pent-up 
anger at a party leadership they viewed as  blind to their needs and deaf to 
the messages of voters who never asked  for _President Barack Obama’s_ 
(http://topics.politico.com/index.cfm/topic/BarackObama)  ambitious first-term 
agenda.  

Liberals pushed back hard: The problem, they say, was those  undisciplined 
moderates, who won delays, unsightly compromises and a  muddled message from 
a too-accommodating administration. 

Yet a  third group of Democratic politicians and operatives blamed not 
policy but  a failed sales job for the party’s woes. 

One thing all sides agree  on: The _White House_ 
(http://topics.politico.com/index.cfm/topic/WhiteHouse)   blew it. 

“It is clear that Democrats overinterpreted our mandate.  Talk of a ‘
political realignment’ and a ‘new progressive era’ proved  wishful thinking,” 
retiring Indiana _Sen. Evan Bayh_ 
(http://topics.politico.com/index.cfm/topic/EvanBayh)  wrote in a _New York 
Times op-ed_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/03/opinion/03bayh.html?_r=1&ref=opinion)  
posted online as the scope of 
Tuesday  night’s losses became clear. 

Bayh called the decision to focus on  health care in a bad economy “
overreach."

“We were too deferential  to our most zealous supporters,” he wrote. 

Bayh spoke for a wing  of the party that had been, before the election, 
reluctant to criticize  Obama’s management of the government but on Wednesday 
spoke loudly.  

“Fundamentally, Democrats lost the middle,” the president of the  centrist 
Democratic Leadership Council, Ed Gresser, said Wednesday.  

“The party's apparent lack of interest in a long-term path away  from 
emergency stimulus toward fiscal balance revived a pre-Clinton  reputation for 
carefree attitudes toward public money.” 

And Oregon  _Sen. Ron Wyden_ 
(http://topics.politico.com/index.cfm/topic/RonWyden) , a proponent of 
bipartisanship if not always  a policy centrist, 
lamented the “missed opportunities in the last two  years” in bipartisan 
initiatives from the White House, particularly on tax  policy. 

But if the center is speaking loudly, it speaks from a  narrower platform. 
The nature of a wave is to shear off moderate members  in swing districts, 
and the House lost half of its Blue Dog Caucus. And  liberals were quick to 
note that Bayh could have chosen to stay in the  Senate, rather than offering 
advice from the sidelines. 
“Evan Bayh, for the sake of being a  patriot and for the sake of being a 
Democrat, should have stayed in —  he would have protected us,” Gerry 
McEntee, president of the giant public  workers union AFSCME — a key backer of 
Democrats this year —  told POLITICO. 
McEntee said he blamed both the  White House and congressional Republicans 
for failing to act more  aggressively to create jobs. 

“I don’t think that there was enough  effort, and maybe there just wasn’t 
enough knowledge, or maybe there  wasn’t enough support in the Congress to 
really. truly attack this problem  of jobs,” he said. “You can talk about 
the tea party, you can talk about  the coffee party, you can talk about all 
kinds of things, but you’ve got  to talk about jobs.” 

Others said Obama had allowed moderates to  distract from and muddle his 
message. 

“What killed us was the  conservative [Democrats] dragging health care out 
too long,” said another  labor leader Wednesday. 

“Democrats who decided to play ball with  corporate interests found 
themselves friendless,” said a spokeswoman for  MoveOn.org, Ilyse Hogue, citing 
Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-Ark.) and other  defeated moderates while making the 
case for a purer, more confrontational  party. “Claiming to support Democratic 
principles while quietly pandering  to corporate interests is no longer a 
winning political strategy,” she  said. 

The criticism from within the Democratic Party may make some  of Obama's 
goals all the harder. House members who walked the plank on a  cap-and-trade 
energy bill vote and barely survived are all the less likely  to take hard 
votes now. Legislators of all stripes may be more eager to  show their 
distance from the White House, and legislative leaders may be  less likely to 
cooperate. 

Some internal critics are calling on  Obama to reach out to Republicans, 
but any threat of factionalism inside  his own party will most likely push the 
president in the opposite  direction. Democrats' best home, many believe, 
is uniting around a common  enemy in congressional Republicans, and Obama's 
best bet for rallying both  a restive base and skeptical moderates is 
pointing to a common  enemy.

In his news conference Wednesday, Obama gave few firm clues  as to which 
way he thinks he must turn — to the left or toward the  middle. On the one 
hand, he acknowledged his "shellacking" at the hands of  voters and offered to 
try to work with Republicans, but on the other, he  said finding any common 
ground with the GOP would be difficult. And he  defended his moves that 
inspired the most voter anger — his health  care package and stimulus spending. 
It’s a sign of Obama’s weakened  position coming out of Tuesday that 
partisans on both ends of the party’s  ideological spectrum felt free to take 
potshots, hoping they could still  sway him as he tries to settle on a course 
for the last two years of his  term. 

Indeed, the broad Democratic defeat gave fodder to any  number of 
arguments. Conservative Democrats lost — but they were  tarred with Obama’s 
ambitious policy agenda. 

And members’ attempts  to maneuver away from the wave largely failed: 
Twenty of the 39 members  who voted against the health care legislation the 
first 
time it came up in  the House lost their seats anyway Tuesday. 

The breadth of Obama’s  defeat left some Democrats arguing that the White 
House’s real problem  wasn’t policy and ideology but strategy and tactics. 

“If you look  at the stuff that we did, it was on an issue-by-issue level 
popular, but  we have to do something different in the way we talk about the 
challenges  we face and the way we deal with them,” said Rep. Anthony Weiner 
of New  York. 

“We clearly need much better air cover from the president,”  he said, 
expressing skepticism of “this accepted wisdom that if you get  things 
accomplished and explain them, you’ll win people over.” 

To  the degree Democrats had a bright spot Tuesday, it was their retention 
of  the Senate, and one Democratic strategist argued that Senate campaigns  
kept their eyes on the ball when the White House wandered in the  campaign’s 
final months. 

“For a while there, they were focused on  the oil spill, the Middle East 
peace process, Afghanistan, the anniversary  of Katrina, the ground zero 
mosque and redecorating the Oval Office,” said  the Democrat. 

And White House critics across the spectrum said the  new focus would have 
to be almost entirely on core economic issues.  

“Stop calling it ‘stimulus’ or ‘infrastructure’ or ‘R&E,’”  former 
Clinton aide _Paul Begala wrote_ 
(http://www.huffingtonpost.com/paul-begala/a-centrist-democratic-age_b_777955.html)
  Wednesday. “Call it jobs. Jobs. Jobs. 
Jobs.”  

Neera Tanden, chief operating officer of the Center for American  Progress, 
said: “Yesterday's elections were a vote of no confidence on  Democratic 
stewardship of the economy. The president needs to both propose  new policy 
proposals that will help foster economic growth and create new  jobs and 
communicate every day that that issue is his priority, so that  the American 
people understand that he knows their jobs are as important  as his. "   
(http://www.irides.com/)  
© 2010 Capitol News Company,  LLC

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