On Religion
Tea Party Rooted  in Religious Fervor for Constitution
By _SAMUEL G. FREEDMAN_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/f/samuel_g_freedman/index.html?inline=nyt-per)
 
Published: November 5, 2010
 
 
 
Late on the afternoon of Election Day,  James Renwick Manship joined the 
assembly of _Tea Party_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/t/tea_party_movement/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier)
  supporters 
outside the Capitol. He wore a  cravat, a powdered wig, a tricorn hat and a 
brass-buttoned coat in the blue and  buff colors of the Continental Army. 
Such is the standard attire of his vocation  portraying George Washington. 




 
Clasping a replica of a 1775 flag, which bore the credo “Appeal to Heaven,”
  Mr. Manship proceeded to read aloud the Preamble of the Constitution. An  
ordained minister and a Navy veteran, Mr. Manship had also prepared a sort 
of  concordance for the Preamble, connecting its language of justice, 
liberty,  defense, tranquillity and so on to verses in _the Bible_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/b/bible/index.html?inline=nyt-
classifier) .  
“You had divine providence, intuitive intervention, or something like that,”
  Mr. Manship, 57, said of the Constitution in a recent phone interview 
from his  Northern Virginia home. “God’s words, the concept of godly 
government, are woven  into the warp and woof of the fabric of our nation and 
this 
Constitution. It’s  rightly called the ‘Miracle in Philadelphia.’ ”  
Mr. Manship’s own words, in turn, get at the essence of the Tea Party  
movement, and in particular its chosen role as protector of the Constitution.  
Rather than viewing the Tea Party as a political phenomenon — rather than  
wondering if it is populist or Republican or reactionary — one might better  
understand it through the prism of religion.  
Seen through such a frame, the Constitution is the Tea Party’s bible, and  
that holy book is embraced as an inerrant text. The denunciations of the  
Progressive movement, the New Deal and the Great Society by the Tea Party and  
its de facto televangelist, _Glenn Beck_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/b/glenn_beck/index.html?inline=nyt-per)
 , recall 
the religious battles throughout  American history between literalists and 
interpreters of Scripture.  
And this conflation of civic and sacred, this expression of what scholars  
call “Constitution worship,” has roots that long predate the Tea Party. 
Some  trace back to the implicit spirituality of America’s self-image as a 
chosen  people, the image of this nation as a city on a hill. Others, 
paradoxically,  derive from the founding fathers’ decision not to establish a 
state 
religion,  which left a certain kind of belief or faith looking to attach 
itself to  something else nationalistic.  
“There’s a strong strand of divine-guidance thinking, thinking about 
American  exceptionalism,” said Mary Beth Norton, a professor of early American 
history at  _Cornell University_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/c/cornell_university/index.html?inline=nyt-org)
 . “
People have certainly seen the  texts of the Constitution and the Declaration 
of Independence as the equivalent  of a secular religion, with the idea then 
that you can’t challenge these texts.”  
Sanford Levinson, a professor of law at the _University of Texas_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/u/university_of_tex
as/index.html?inline=nyt-org) , cited several other factors: “In a  country 
as fragmented as the United States is — we don’t have a national  
religion, a really shared ethnicity — the kinds of emotions that would be  
directed 
at organic nationalism are displaced onto the Constitution.”  
To prove the point, Professor Levinson’s book “Constitutional Faith” 
quotes  example after example of overtly religious language being invoked about 
the  Constitution. Washington, in his farewell address, called for the 
Constitution  to be “sacredly maintained.” James Madison wrote that the 
nation’s “
political  scriptures” must be defended with “holy zeal.” George 
Sutherland, a _Supreme Court_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/s/supreme_court/index.html?inline=nyt-org)
  nominee in the 
1920s, described the  Constitution as “divinely inspired.” The constitutional 
lawyer Louis Marshall,  drawing an analogy from his Jewish heritage, referred 
to the document as “our  holy of holies.”  
As that range of preachers and preachings suggests, Constitution worship 
has  not historically been the province of any one political faction. Despite 
the  Constitution’s tolerance of slavery, the black abolitionist _Frederick 
Douglass_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/d/frederick_douglass/index.html?inline=nyt-per)
  intoned its language about 
equality  and inalienable rights. Even as several of _Franklin D. Roosevelt_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/r/franklin_delano_roos
evelt/index.html?inline=nyt-per) ’s New Deal programs were being  struck 
down as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, the president was  recommending 
in one of his fireside chats that families read the Constitution  again and 
again, “like the Bible.”  
Of course, there is more than ample evidence of the deep disagreements the  
framers themselves had about the content and wording of the Constitution. 
Its  acceptance of slavery and denial of female suffrage would hardly meet 
any  contemporary American definition of an enlightened, to say nothing of 
divinely  flawless, text. The creation of the amendment process is a fairly 
evident  acknowledgment of the Constitution’s capacity for imperfection and 
anachronism.  (Many of the Tea Party’s defenders of the Constitution advocate 
repeal of the  14th and 17th Amendments, which makes it confusing whether all 
or only some of  the amendments fall short of inerrancy.)  
Yet the political debate about whether the 20th-century welfare state  
violates the Constitution has religious analogies going back more than a  
millennium. The Karaites were a Jewish sect founded in about 800 A.D. that  
considered only the written Torah, not the subsequent rabbinical commentaries 
on  
it, to be binding. The Protestant Reformation occurred in part as a 
rejection of  the _Roman Catholic Church_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/r/roman_catholic_church/index.html?inline=nyt-org)
 ’
s body of clerical teaching. In  contemporary America, the evangelical wing 
of Protestantism holds to a  fundamentalist reading of Scripture while the 
mainline denominations espouse a  doctrine that evolves.  
If anything, the Constitution is especially vulnerable to literalism. “
There  is a major translation problem for literalism in relation to Christian  
doctrine,” said Jon Butler, a professor of the history of religion in America 
at  Yale. “And there’s the matter of the age of the texts. But there is no 
 translation issue with the Constitution, and it’s only a couple of 
centuries  old. So that makes it so much more susceptible. There it is. You can 
find it on  the Internet.”  
And from there, it is a short trip indeed to the engaged, enraged Tea Party 
 of 2010, and a campaign that charged Democrats with a kind of 
Constitutional  heresy. “The Constitution has always been the trump card, the 
ultimate 
political  weapon,” noted David Greenberg, a professor of history and 
presidential  biographer at _Rutgers University_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/r/rutgers_the_state_university/index.html?in
line=nyt-org) . “If you don’t like what the other  side is doing, you say 
it’s unconstitutional.” 

-- 
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