This analysis is too uncritical of Conservatives and generally too much of  
a broad brush portrait,
but it makes a point about the decline of the American Left. The numbers  
don't lie.
 
Billy
 
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
 
 
WSJ
 
Dec 4, 2010
 
Liberalism: An Autopsy 
The heirs of the New Deal are down to 20% of the electorate. 

 
By : R Emmett Tyrrell, Jr.
 
In the tumultuous history of postwar American liberalism, there has been a  
slow but steady decline of which liberals have been steadfastly oblivious. 
The  heirs of the New Deal are down to around 20% of the electorate, 
according to  recent Gallup polls. Conservatives account for 42% of the vote, 
and 
in the  recent election the independents, the second most numerous group at 
29% of the  electorate, broke the conservatives' way. They were alarmed by 
the deficit. They  will be alarmed for a long time.  
Liberalism's decline might appear, at first glance, to have begun with the  
1961 inauguration of President John F. Kennedy—when historians noted the 
first  glimmerings of what was to become liberalism's distinctive trait, 
overreach.  Kennedy's soaring oratory was infectious and admirable and even 
impressed a  later generation of conservatives. But it was a bit dishonest. 
There 
never was a  missile gap with the Soviet Union, as he claimed, or any other 
cause for  histrionics. On the domestic side, the oratory set in motion 
President Lyndon  Johnson's catastrophic War on Poverty.  
JFK's stirring language represented a break with the Burkean understanding 
of  President Dwight Eisenhower. Ike, whether he articulated it or not, 
wanted to  put the Great Depression and the dangerous confrontations of the 
early Cold War  period behind us. He wanted to return to normalcy. Yet 
Kennedy's 
inaugural put  America on a different path, one that led to the Cuban 
missile crisis and  ultimately to Vietnam. It fixed America's stance in the 
world, and with that  stance we were on the road to Iraq and Afghanistan. 
Domestically it set us on  the path to a behemoth big government. 
Still, in tracing liberalism's decline, one cannot ignore an earlier event: 
 the civil war that broke out in the aftermath of World War II. The 
conflict  pitted what we might call the radicals led by Henry Wallace against 
the  
advocates of what Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. would call in his book, "The 
Vital  Center," more practical liberals like Hubert Humphrey, Joseph L. Rauh 
and Walter  Reuther. They were hard-headed and patriotic, and their desiderata 
were  reasonable by comparison with the radicals' utopian ideas about the 
Soviet  Union. 
 
 
 
 
 
The practical liberals won in the late 1940s, but in  1972 civil war broke 
out anew. This time the radicals won. In the meantime,  LBJ's Great Society 
caused even some liberals to warn against the "unintended  consequences" of 
government programs. These were to be the first new recruits to  modern 
conservatism. Jeane Kirkpatrick, Irving Kristol and, for a time, Daniel  
Patrick 
Moynihan, were in Kristol's words liberals "who were mugged by reality."  
The radicals were seeking refuge from reality in a self-regarding fantasy. 
Only  a crisis in the leadership of President Richard Nixon, Watergate, 
allowed them  to hide from the American electorate their fantastic  delusions.





Conservatives have had Edmund Burke and the Founding Fathers as their  
cynosures. Sometimes they have provided discipline; sometimes conservatives 
have 
 followed their own star. The problem for liberals is they have been denied 
a  cynosure. Some had looked to the British Fabian Socialists and some to 
Karl  Marx, but since the late 1940s liberals became coy about their 
intellectual  mentors.  
>From the Nixon administration on, the numbers have not been good for  
liberals. In 1972 only one state went for presidential candidate George  
McGovern, who even lost the youth vote. In 1976 liberalism did better, but 
Jimmy  
Carter ran as a moderate.  
Then came 1980. Ronald Reagan benefitted from the ongoing electoral  
accretions that modern conservatism has attracted: the neocons, the 
evangelicals  
(aka the Christian Right), the Reagan Democrats. Liberals could claim 
nothing  new.  
During his eight years in office, Reagan changed the political center for  
years to come. As the Old Cowboy headed back to California, the political 
center  was center-right: vigilance about big government, balanced budgets, 
low taxes  and peace through strength. 
In 1992, after 12 years of conservatives in the White House, Bill Clinton  
beat George Herbert Walker Bush. Yet he too ran as a moderate. Once in 
office he  tried to push a big government agenda and was trounced in the 
midterm 
election.  
The rest of Clinton's presidency was defined by his pronouncement that "The 
 era of big government is over." The Reagan revolution was secured. In 
2000,  Clinton's vice president lost to the governor of Texas despite 
prosperity 
and  peace. George W. Bush won the midterms in 2002. Then came the 
Republicans'  wilderness years in 2006 and 2008—but not conservatism's. 
Conservatives remained  more popular than liberals by about a 2-1 margin.  
Conservatism has steadily spread through the country since its larval days 
in  the 1950s, and the reason is that the vast majority of Americans favor 
free  enterprise and personal liberty. Note the tea party movement. The 
Republicans  just took the House of Representatives by over 60 seats and gained 
six seats in  the Senate. The social democrat in the White House has been 
routed. 
Over the past two years the Democrats showed their true colors. Faced with 
an  entitlement crisis, they rang up trillion dollar deficits. We now face 
an  entitlement crisis and a budget crisis—and liberals have no answer for it 
beyond  tax and spend. They still have support in the media, but even here 
they are  faced with opposition from Fox News, talk radio and the Internet.  
As a political movement liberalism is dead. They do not have the numbers.  
They do not have the policies. They have 23 seats in the Senate to defend in 
 2012 (against the Republicans' 10) and Republican control of state houses 
and  legislatures will give them even more seats in the future. Liberalism 
R.I.P. 

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