Well, I rarely look at the New Republic. Mostly only when an interesting  
article
is recommended at Real Clear Politics.  RCP recommends just about  anything
on any given day, could be from the NYT, the London Times, the Podunk  
Times,
the foreign press, lib magazines, conservative magazines, oddball  
magazines,
whatever their editors think is thoughtful and is some mix of L, R,  and
maybe "other."  Their links work at better than a 99 % level. 
 
I can't do more than the 7 or 8 sites I visit most mornings
for my news fix for the day. BTW, Straits Times of Singapore is  worthwhile
again and can actually be used as an information source without  fighting
through innumerable pop ups. Times of India is still a disaster.
O yeah, the Washingmachine Times is readable again, also.
 
 
Sincerely
your friendly news junkie
Billy
 
===================================
 
 
 
message dated 12/7/2010 9:25:23 P.M. Pacific Standard Time,  
[email protected] writes:

The only thing that this article and the last week  really show is that we 
are in deep do-do with the Foreign Policy from BOTH of  the major parties. 

Does The New Republic have anything on what the  Wikileaks fiasco has 
shown, or are they hypocrites calling for the prosecution  of leaks under Obama 
and praising leaks under Bush?

You know which one  I will pick. 

David

 
"Anyone  who thinks he has a better idea of what's good for people than 
people do is a  swine."--P.  J. O’Rourke 


On 12/7/2010 11:03 PM,  [email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])  wrote:  
 
David :
I won't  say anything about the need for a well conceived foreign policy 
and  a
State department  run by people who actually have their heads screwed on 
right.
Call it marginal  utility, but applied to foreign relations. I was 
interested in
the view from the  Left to be better informed about what the Left is 
thinking,
which is valuable  to know  Also, I am a subscriber to Foreign Affairs,
the premier  journal of that subject, and foreign policy is a long time 
interest of  mine.
 
But your opinions  are welcomed as a barometer of opinion, which
have value in  their own right. Yeah, I get your point, its just that
there are other  points to make also.
 
Billy
 
=====================================================
 
message dated  12/7/2010 8:40:30 P.M. Pacific Standard Time, 
[email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])   writes:

So much of this  is bullshit that I don't know where to begin. Big 
government on  immigration?? NO, JUST ENFORCE THE DAMN LAWS ALREADY. When there 
is 
so  much screwed up domestically (IT'S THE ECONOMY, STUPID), most folks are  
more interested that their paychecks continue to arrive. A lot of things  
become of lesser importance when one is thinking about surviving in this  
economy and putting food on the table and keeping the roof over their  heads. 

FIX THAT, and then I might give a rat's ass about our  relationship with 
Botswana or something. The more menacing things that are  big enough that one 
HAS to pay attention to, there MAYBE should be  something thought of and put 
forward. But the TEA in Tea Party has ALWAYS  been TAXED ENOUGH ALREADY and 
not a foreign policy driven movement. If the  jackass in The New Republic 
doesn't already know that, then he is too  stupid to write this piece. 

David

 
"Anyone  who thinks he has a better idea of what's good for people than 
people do  is a  swine."--P.  J. O’Rourke 


On 12/7/2010 11:39 AM, [email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])  wrote:  
 

Published on The New Republic (_http://www.tnr.com_ (http://www.tnr.com/) )

 
____________________________________

 
How the Tea  Party Is Wrecking Republican Foreign  Policy
    *   Barry Gewen  
    *   December 4, 2010 | 12:00 am  


 
Now that the  midterm elections are over and voices of the Tea Party will 
soon be  established in Congress, the movement’s views on foreign policy will 
 come under closer scrutiny, and the results may prove surprising, not  
least to the Tea Partiers themselves. Those views are far from  Republican 
orthodoxy. On some issues, the Tea Partiers will predictably  line up with the 
Republican leadership, but on others they may find they  have more in common 
with Democrats. They may even provide Barack Obama  with unexpected support. 
Those who think Sarah Palin speaks for the Tea  Party on foreign policy 
haven’t been paying  attention. 
It’s hard enough to define Tea Party policies on domestic issues.  As Kate 
Zernike writes in _Boiling Mad: Inside Tea  Party America_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/Boiling-Mad-Inside-Party-America/dp/0805093486) , the 
movement “meant 
different things to  different people—even those within the movement could 
not always agree  on what they wanted.” But the Tea Party is the soul of 
rationality and  consistency on domestic issues compared to its stand on 
foreign 
policy  questions. There is simply no there there. (_Click  here_ 
(http://www.tnr.com/slideshow/world/79519/wikileaks-revelations)  to view a 
slideshow 
of the  silliest, scariest, and most NSFW  Wikileaks.) 
Books on the Tea Partiers, like Zernike’s, barely mention foreign  policy, 
and most of the media are no better in their coverage. A search  of the Web 
turns up little more, an occasional blog post or cursory  comment, but 
nothing of any real substance. Probably the most extensive  discussion of the 
subject was _written_ 
(http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/articles/2010-SeptOct/full-ORourke-SO-2010.html)
  by P.J.  O’Rourke, a humorist. Asked if the Tea 
Party had a foreign policy, Dick  Armey, who has made himself one of the 
movement’s stalwarts, responded,  “I don’t think so.” Analysts of the Tea 
Party’s foreign policy are  therefore working largely in the dark. Still, one 
can glimpse occasional  flickers of light that permit some extrapolations 
and tentative  conclusions. 
Take two issues where domestic and foreign policy overlap:  immigration and 
trade. On neither of these questions is the movement in  step with 
Republican Party orthodoxy. With regard to immigration, Tea  Partiers often 
exhibit 
a hostility that shades into nativism. Remember  Sharron Angle’s endorsement 
of Phoenix’s hard-line sheriff, Joe Arpaio:  every state, she said, should 
have a sheriff like Joe Arpaio. Citing a  New York Times poll, Zernike notes 
that 82 percent of Tea  Partiers think illegal immigration is a “very 
serious” problem, compared  to 60 percent of the general public. Yet the 
corporate sector of the  Republican Party has always shown sympathy for 
increased 
immigration,  and often seems willing to look the other way over illegal 
immigration.  The more immigrants, the greater the competition for jobs, the 
lower the  wage costs for business. Besides, someone has to mow the lawn and 
look  after the kids. 
Similar forces are at play in the case of trade. Tea Partiers are  
suspicious of free trade and globalization in general, because they fear  a 
loss of 
American jobs. Yet the Republican Party has traditionally been  the party of 
free trade. The Tea Partiers will find their closest allies  on this issue 
among Democrats, especially trade unionists. We just saw  what the future 
politics of trade will look like when President Obama  had trouble concluding 
a free-trade pact with South Korea, originally  approved by George W. Bush 
in 2007. A coalition of Democrats and Tea  Partiers inside and outside of 
Congress opposed it, despite its  potential to boost our economy and strengthen 
crucial alliances in  Asia. 
In truth, on both immigration and trade, the Tea Partiers are in  favor of 
more government, not less, putting them at odds with Republican  Party 
laissez-faire instincts. However they may feel about the evil of  deficits, Tea 
Partiers are not libertarians. By majorities of almost  two-to-one, they 
support Social Security and Medicare. As Scott  Rasmussen and Douglas Schoen 
write in their book Mad As Hell, “it  would be a profound mistake to say that 
they are an adjunct of the  GOP.” 
But it’s on questions of America’s role in the world that the  divisions 
between Tea Partiers and standard-issue Republicans begin to  look like 
chasms. The key figures here are the Pauls, Ron and Rand,  longtime congressman 
and recently elected senator, father and son. Ron  Paul has been called “the 
Tea Party’s brain,” its “intellectual  godfather”; Rand Paul, by virtue of 
his election victory, has made  himself a powerful, perhaps the most 
powerful, Tea Party spokesman on  the hill.  
The Pauls’  positions on foreign policy are not identical, but the links 
between  them are more than genetic. In a recent statement for Foreign  Policy 
magazine, Ron Paul called for an end to “the disastrous wars  in Iraq and 
Afghanistan.” He went on: “We cannot talk about the budget  deficit and 
spiraling domestic spending without looking at the costs of  maintaining an 
American empire of more than 700 military bases in more  than 120 foreign 
countries.” And like father, like son. Rand Paul has  said that “part of the 
reason we are bankrupt as a country is that we  are fighting so many foreign 
wars and have so many military bases around  the world.” He opposes what he 
calls “a blank check for the  military.” 
These  freshly invigorated voices within the Republican Party are already  
finding common cause with doves inside the Democratic Party. Ron Paul  has 
joined with Barney Frank in calling for the withdrawal of troops  from 
Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as from Germany, Japan, and South  Korea. “We 
don’t 
need to be the world’s policeman,” Paul said, echoing  the Vietnam war 
protesters of an earlier  era. 
Hawkish Republicans have taken note. Casting a suspicious eye at  the Tea 
Partiers, John McCain has said, “I worry a lot about the rise of  
protectionism and isolationism in the Republican Party.” There was a  truce 
within the 
party until the elections, but now, as Richard Viguerie  _warned_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/26/us/26rove.html) , “a  massive, almost 
historic 
battle for the heart and soul of the Republican  Party begins.” Onlookers can 
expect to hear a great deal of name calling  in coming months as charges of “
isolationist” and “imperialist” fly back  and forth. 
At the center of this battle, of course, is Sarah Palin. She has  allied 
herself firmly with the Republican hawks, opposing any cuts in  defense 
spending and generally calling for a more activist and  interventionist America 
throughout the world. She is on record in  support of an attack on Iran. To 
much of the press and the punditocracy,  she is the darling of the Tea 
Partiers, but that’s not how it looks to  many inside the movement, and if you 
want 
to hear the worst of the  vituperation aimed her way, you should look not 
in the direction of  liberals and Democrats, but at the Ron Paul wing of the 
Tea Party  movement. Accused of hijacking the movement for the 
neoconservatives, _she_ (http://www.infowars.com/tea-party-sarah-is-a-neocon)  
_is_ 
(http://www.tnr.com/C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/emessinger/Local%20Settings/Temp
orary%20Internet%20Files/OLK2A4/joerobertson.com/liberty/alex-jones-calls-ou
t-sarah-palins-neocon-tea-party)  _called_ 
(http://www.amconmag.com/article/2010/feb/01/00040/)  “a wolf in  sheep’s 
clothing,” “simplistic,” “
senseless and deranged,”  “close-minded,” “arrogant,” “a neocon Stepford wife.”
   
She and Glenn Beck, another hijacker, are “duplicitous and  deceiving 
whores of the global establishment, practiced at fooling  well-meaning 
followers 
into betraying their own interests.” And maybe  worst of all, “just like 
Obama and the Democrat version of Bush  neocons.” (In a complicated political 
maneuver, Rand Paul sought and  Sarah Palin bestowed her endorsement in his 
Senate race, a move that  dismayed both his supporters and opponents; Ron 
Paul said the  endorsement “gave him pause.”) 
Unsurprisingly, a considerable amount of the name-calling comes  down to 
Israel. It can’t be said that Palin has taken a strong stand on  Israel—a 
more appropriate characterization would be that she  out-Netanyahus Benjamin 
Netanyahu: “I believe that the Jewish  settlements should be allowed to be 
expanded upon, because that  population of Israel is going to grow. More and 
more Jewish people will  be flocking to Israel in the days and weeks and 
months ahead. And I  don’t think that the Obama administration has any right to 
tell Israel  that the Jewish settlements cannot  expand.” 
Such sentiments win no applause from the Tea Partiers aligned  with Ron 
Paul. He has repeatedly condemned Israeli policies, often in  the harshest 
terms. One of his staffers declared that, “By far the most  powerful lobby in 
Washington of the bad sort is the Israeli government.”  Paul’s opponents 
inside and outside the Tea Party see undertones of  anti-Semitism in his 
positions, or worse, though John Podhoretz, the  editor of Commentary, gives 
him 
something of a pass: “I’m  inclined to think that Paul, who is not the most 
careful and prudent of  speakers, is not an anti-Semite.” But he adds that 
Paul does follow in a  tradition of American isolationism that, in its 
history, has been “a  hotbed of classic and unambiguous anti-Semitism 
throughout 
the 20th  century.” 
One of the odder twists in this intramural debate—and possibly a  sign of 
things to come—was an idea _recently floated_ 
(http://www.jta.org/news/article/2010/10/24/2741415/cantor-take-israel-out-of-foreig)
   by Congressman Eric 
Cantor to remove aid to Israel from the foreign  operations budget. It 
could be seen as a preemptive step to preserve aid  to Israel at a time when 
his 
party, under the increasing influence of  the Tea Party movement, is less 
sympathetic to foreign aid and defense  spending, and less automatically 
supportive of Israel. The plan went  nowhere as influential groups like AIPAC 
roundly opposed it, and Cantor  quickly backtracked. But as the only Jewish 
Republican congressman, he  may have been more sensitive to the drift of the 
Republican Party than  other Jewish leaders.  
By the same token, if the president proposes cuts in military  spending, 
there will probably be Tea Partiers ready to support him. If  Obama decides to 
speed up withdrawals from Iraq and Afghanistan, he  could find Republican 
backers for that, too. And most controversial of  all, if he attempts to put 
some distance between the United States and  Benjamin Netanyahu’s 
government, he may discover that as the Tea Party  movement extends its sway, 
his 
political bedfellows have become stranger  and stranger.  
Barry  Gewen has been an editor at The New York Times Book  Review for over 
20 years. He has written frequently  for The Book Review, as well as for 
other sections  ofThe Times. His essays have also appeared in World  Affairs, 
The American Interest,World Policy  Journal,  and Dissent.


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