WORLD  magazine
 
December 18, 2010  
 
Left out
Why has U.S. war strategy ignored religious  minorities in the Middle East? 
 
| Mindy Belz 

 
Three years ago I attended a meeting outside Washington with a NATO adviser 
 recently returned from briefings with commanders of the war in Iraq. The  
question had been posed to them: If there should be a targeted massacre of  
Christians in Iraq (the word actually used was genocide), would the  U.S. 
military respond? The answer from the commanders: No.  
It was December 2007. Gen. David Petraeus had arrived in Baghdad 10 months  
earlier bearing orders to carry out his new counterinsurgency strategy with 
a  thrust of 20,000 additional troops throughout the city. Until then, U.S. 
forces  were bogged down in Iraq's sectarian warfare—with civilian and 
military  casualties sometimes topping 100 a day. That year U.S. casualties hit 
their  all-time high, 904, but fell steadily after Petraeus' arrival to a 
low of 59  (over 11 months) in 2010. Decades from now historians will study 
Petraeus-style  warfare launched in 2007 and how it catapulted the U.S. 
military from its  post-Vietnam malaise.  

So it's always been curious to me that the successful strategy to stamp out 
 sectarian violence somehow did not extend to protecting Iraq's minorities, 
 particularly a Christian population that stretched back nearly 2 millennia 
and  numbered up to 1.5 million under Saddam Hussein. By December 2007, 
church  leaders estimated, that population had been halved through death and  
displacement to somewhere under 700,000.  
Curious, too, because the counterinsurgency doctrine of Gen. Petraeus is  
decidedly everyman, and in some aspects biblical: Live your values.  Clear—
hold—build. Small is beautiful. Those were the bywords circulating the  
forward operating bases in Baghdad, and they came straight from the  
Counterinsurgency Field Manual, Petraeus' magnum opus, at that time the  first 
U.S. 
military manual to come out in 20 years—and to hit The New York  Times 
bestseller 
list. Petraeus liked to ask, "What have you done for the  people of Iraq 
today?" and was known to stress in briefings, "The human terrain  is the 
decisive terrain."  
Leaving Christians out of the counterinsurgency equation has itself proved  
decisive. And the result of U.S. military and civilian leaders' 
unwillingness to  take a vocal and visible stand against targeted violence 
toward 
religious  minorities continues to unfold—not only in Iraq but across the 
region. 
 
Consider recent attacks in Iraq: the Oct. 31 assault on a church in Baghdad 
 that killed 58; the Nov. 9 bombing of Christian homes in western Baghdad; 
Nov.  10 Islamic hits to more than a dozen homes with mortar fire and bombs, 
leaving  four Christians dead and dozens wounded. Some of the homes were 
singled out  because they belonged to mourners who attended funeral services 
for the Oct. 31  victims. On Nov. 15 in Mosul militants stormed two adjacent 
homes belonging to  Christians, killing two men, then bombed others. On Nov. 
16 a Christian father  and his 6-year-old daughter were killed by a car 
bomb. As Elizabeth Kendal,  writing for the Religious Liberty Prayer Bulletin, 
pointed out, "This  terror has led to a surge in Christians fleeing Iraq. 
They will join the  hundreds of thousands of Iraqi Christians struggling to 
survive as refugees in  Syria, Turkey and Jordan. They no longer see any 
reason to risk their lives for  a state where, even if they survive, they will 
be 
condemned to live as second  class citizens (dhimmis)."  
We see similar terror unfolding with the arrests of Christians in 
Afghanistan  and Pakistan. Gen. Petraeus is belatedly taking up that cause (see 
"_Justice delayed_ (http://www.worldmag.com/articles/17392) "). But the  
failure 
of the military to leave a legacy of equal protection for all is part of  a 
larger U.S. failure to address forcefully the authoritarian repression  
residing within Islam. It will no doubt resound to other minorities and to  
Muslims who stand against it. Today the Christian population in Iraq is about  
half what it was in 2007. It may have been spared actual genocide, but to go 
in  one decade from 1.5 million to under 400,000 is extermination by any 
other  name.

-- 
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