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Victor Davis Hanson  
     


December  15, 2010 12:00 P.M. 
Two  Californias 

Abandoned farms, Third World living conditions,  pervasive public 
assistance -- welcome to the once-thriving Central  Valley.








 
 
The last three weeks I have traveled about, taking  the pulse of the more 
forgotten areas of central California. I wanted to  witness, even if 
superficially, what is happening to a state that has the  highest sales and 
income 
taxes, the most lavish entitlements, the  near-worst public schools (based on 
federal test scores), and the largest  number of illegal aliens in the 
nation, along with an overregulated  private sector, a stagnant and shrinking 
manufacturing base, and an elite  environmental ethos that restricts commerce 
and productivity without  curbing consumption. 
During this unscientific experiment, three times a week I rode a bike  on a 
20-mile trip over various rural roads in southwestern Fresno County.  I 
also drove my car over to the coast to work, on various routes through  towns 
like San Joaquin, Mendota, and Firebaugh. And near my home I have  been 
driving, shopping, and touring by intent the rather segregated and  
impoverished 
areas of Caruthers, Fowler, Laton, Orange Cove, Parlier, and  Selma. My own 
farmhouse is now in an area of abject poverty and almost no  ethnic 
diversity; the closest elementary school (my alma mater, two miles  away) is 94 
percent Hispanic and 1 percent white, and well below federal  testing norms in 
math and English. 
Here are some general observations about what I saw (other than that  the 
rural roads of California are fast turning into rubble, poorly  maintained 
and reverting to what I remember seeing long ago in the rural  South). First, 
remember that these areas are the ground zero, so to speak,  of 20 years of 
illegal immigration. There has been a general depression in  farming — to 
such an extent that the 20- to-100-acre tree and vine farmer,  the erstwhile 
backbone of the old rural California, for all practical  purposes has ceased 
to exist. 
On the western side of the Central Valley, the effects of arbitrary  
cutoffs in federal irrigation water have idled tens of thousands of acres  of 
prime agricultural land, leaving thousands unemployed. Manufacturing  plants in 
the towns in these areas — which used to make harvesters,  hydraulic lifts, 
trailers, food-processing equipment — have largely shut  down; their 
production has been shipped off overseas or south of the  border. Agriculture 
itself — from almonds to raisins — has increasingly  become corporatized and 
mechanized, cutting by half the number of farm  workers needed. So unemployment 
runs somewhere between 15 and 20  percent.  
Many of the rural trailer-house compounds I saw appear to the naked eye  no 
different from what I have seen in the Third World. There is a  Caribbean 
look to the junked cars, electric wires crisscrossing between  various 
outbuildings, plastic tarps substituting for replacement shingles,  lean-tos 
cobbled together as auxiliary housing, pit bulls unleashed, and  geese, goats, 
and chickens roaming around the yards. The public hears  about all sorts of 
tough California regulations that stymie business —  rigid zoning laws, strict 
building codes, constant inspections — but  apparently none of that applies 
out here. 
It is almost as if the more California regulates, the more it does not  
regulate. Its public employees prefer to go after misdemeanors in the  upscale 
areas to justify our expensive oversight industry, while ignoring  the 
felonies in the downtrodden areas, which are becoming feral and beyond  the 
ability of any inspector to do anything but feel irrelevant. But in  the 
regulators’ defense, where would one get the money to redo an ad hoc  trailer 
park 
with a spider web of illegal bare wires? 
Many of the rented-out rural shacks and stationary Winnebagos are on  
former small farms — the vineyards overgrown with weeds, or torn out with  the 
ground lying fallow. I pass on the cultural consequences to  communities from  
the loss of thousands of small farming families. I  don’t think I can 
remember another time when so many acres in the eastern  part of the valley 
have 
gone out of production, even though farm prices  have recently rebounded. 
Apparently it is simply not worth the gamble of  investing $7,000 to $10,000 
an acre in a new orchard or vineyard. What an  anomaly — with suddenly 
soaring farm prices, still we have thousands of  acres in the world’s richest 
agricultural belt, with available water on  the east side of the valley and 
plentiful labor, gone idle or in disuse.  Is credit frozen? Are there simply no 
more farmers? Are the schools so bad  as to scare away potential 
agricultural entrepreneurs? Or are we all  terrified by the national debt and 
uncertain 
future? 
California coastal elites may worry about the oxygen content of water  
available to a three-inch smelt in the Sacramento–San Joaquin River Delta,  but 
they seem to have no interest in the epidemic dumping of trash,  furniture, 
and often toxic substances throughout California’s rural  hinterland. 
Yesterday, for example, I rode my bike by a stopped van just  as the occupants 
tossed seven plastic bags of raw refuse onto the side of  the road. I rode up 
near their bumper and said in my broken Spanish not to  throw garbage onto 
the public road. But there were three of them, and one  of me. So I was lucky 
to be sworn at only. I note in passing that I would  not drive into Mexico 
and, as a guest, dare to pull over and throw seven  bags of trash into the 
environment of my host. 
In fact, trash piles are commonplace out here — composed of everything  
from half-empty paint cans and children’s plastic toys to diapers and  moldy 
food. I have never seen a rural sheriff cite a litterer, or  witnessed state 
EPA workers cleaning up these unauthorized wastelands. So  I would suggest to 
Bay Area scientists that the environment is taking a  much harder beating 
down here in central California than it is in the  Delta. Perhaps before we 
cut off more irrigation water to the west side of  the valley, we might 
invest some green dollars into cleaning up the  unsightly and sometimes 
dangerous 
garbage that now litters the outskirts  of our rural communities. 
We hear about the tough small-business regulations that have driven  
residents out of the state, at the rate of 2,000 to 3,000 a week. But from  my 
unscientific observations these past weeks, it seems rather easy to  open a 
small business in California without any oversight at all, or at  least what I 
might call a “counter business.” I counted eleven mobile  hot-kitchen 
trucks that simply park by the side of the road, spread about  some plastic 
chairs, pull down a tarp canopy, and, presto, become  mini-restaurants. There 
are 
no “facilities” such as toilets or washrooms.  But I do frequently see 
lard trails on the isolated roads I bike on, where  trucks apparently have 
simply opened their draining tanks and sped on,  leaving a slick of cooking 
fats 
and oils. Crows and ground squirrels love  them; they can be seen from a 
distance mysteriously occupied in the middle  of the road. 
At crossroads, peddlers in a counter-California economy sell almost  
anything. Here is what I noticed at an intersection on the west side last  
week: 
shovels, rakes, hoes, gas pumps, lawnmowers, edgers, blowers,  jackets, 
gloves, and caps. The merchandise was all new. I doubt whether in  high-tax 
California sales taxes or income taxes were paid on any of these  stop-and-go 
transactions. 
In two supermarkets 50 miles apart, I was the only one in line who did  not 
pay with a social-service plastic card (gone are the days when “food  stamps
” were embarrassing bulky coupons). But I did not see any  relationship 
between the use of the card and poverty as we once knew it:  The electrical 
appurtenances owned by the user and the car into which the  groceries were 
loaded were indistinguishable from those of the upper  middle class. 
By that I mean that most consumers drove late-model Camrys, Accords, or  
Tauruses, had iPhones, Bluetooths, or BlackBerries, and bought everything  in 
the store with public-assistance credit. This seemed a world apart from  the 
trailers I had just ridden by the day before. I don’t editorialize  here on 
the logic or morality of any of this, but I note only that there  are vast 
numbers of people who apparently are not working, are on public  food 
assistance, and enjoy the technological veneer of the middle class.  California 
has a consumer market surely, but often no apparent source of  income. Does 
the $40 million a day supplement to unemployment benefits  from Washington 
explain some of this? 
Do diversity concerns, as in lack of diversity, work both ways? Over a  
hundred-mile stretch, when I stopped in San Joaquin for a bottled water,  or 
drove through Orange Cove, or got gas in Parlier, or went to a corner  market 
in southwestern Selma, my home town, I was the only non-Hispanic —  there 
were no Asians, no blacks, no other whites. We may speak of the  richness of “
diversity,” but those who cherish that ideal simply have no  idea that there 
are now countless inland communities that have become  near-apartheid 
societies, where Spanish is the first language, the schools  are not at all 
diverse, and the federal and state governments are either  the main employers 
or 
at least the chief sources of income — whether  through emergency rooms, 
rural health clinics, public schools, or  social-service offices. An observer 
from Mars might conclude that our  elites and masses have given up on the 
ideal of integration and  assimilation, perhaps in the wake of the arrival of 
11 to 15 million  illegal aliens. 
Again, I do not editorialize, but I note these vast transformations  over 
the last 20 years that are the paradoxical wages of unchecked illegal  
immigration from Mexico, a vast expansion of California’s entitlements and  
taxes, 
the flight of the upper middle class out of state, the deliberate  effort 
not to tap natural resources, the downsizing in manufacturing and  
agriculture, and the departure of whites, blacks, and Asians from many of  
these small 
towns to more racially diverse and upscale areas of  California. 
Fresno’s California State University campus is embroiled in controversy  
over the student body president’s announcing that he is an illegal alien,  
with all the requisite protests in favor of the DREAM Act. I won’t comment  on 
the legislation per se, but again only note the anomaly. I taught at  CSUF 
for 21 years. I think it fair to say that the predominant theme of  the 
Chicano and Latin American Studies program’s sizable curriculum was a  fuzzy 
American culpability. By that I mean that students in those classes  heard of 
the sins of America more often than its attractions. In my home  town, Mexican 
flag decals on car windows are far more common than their  American 
counterparts. 
I note this because hundreds of students here illegally are now  terrified 
of being deported to Mexico. I can understand that, given the  chaos in 
Mexico and their own long residency in the United States. But  here is what 
still confuses me: If one were to consider the classes that  deal with Mexico 
at 
the university, or the visible displays of national  chauvinism, then one 
might conclude that Mexico is a far more attractive  and moral place than the 
United States. 
So there is a surreal nature to these protests: something like, “Please  do 
not send me back to the culture I nostalgically praise; please let me  stay 
in the culture that I ignore or deprecate.” I think the DREAM Act  
protestors might have been far more successful in winning public opinion  had 
they 
stopped blaming the U.S. for suggesting that they might have to  leave at 
some point, and instead explained why, in fact, they want to  stay. What it is 
about America that makes a youth of 21 go on a hunger  strike or demonstrate 
to be allowed to remain in this country rather than  return to the place of 
his birth?  
I think I know the answer to this paradox. Missing entirely in the  above 
description is the attitude of the host, which by any historical  standard 
can only be termed “indifferent.” California does not care  whether one broke 
the law to arrive here or continues to break it by  staying. It asks 
nothing of the illegal immigrant — no proficiency in  English, no acquaintance 
with American history and values, no proof of  income, no record of education 
or skills. It does provide all the public  assistance that it can afford (and 
more that it borrows for), and  apparently waives enforcement of most of 
California’s burdensome  regulations and civic statutes that increasingly have 
plagued productive  citizens to the point of driving them out. How odd that 
we overregulate  those who are citizens and have capital to the point of 
banishing them  from the state, but do not regulate those who are aliens and 
without  capital to the point of encouraging millions more to follow in their 
 footsteps. How odd — to paraphrase what Critias once said of ancient  
Sparta — that California is at once both the nation’s most unfree and most  
free state, the most repressed and the wildest. 
Hundreds of thousands sense all that and vote accordingly with their  feet, 
both into and out of California — and the result is a sort of  social, 
cultural, economic, and political time-bomb, whose ticks are  getting  louder. 

-- 
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