Ernie :
What strikes me is a tendency to gravitate to deductive logic  when 
discussing the prospects for reform in Islam.  That is, as much
as I can understand your desire to see reform take place, and while you  can
cite examples from, say, parts of Indonesia or perhaps a nation like  Qatar,
even Tunisia ( but holding your breath on that one, as we all are ),  still,
about Egypt, where is the evidence for the position you take ?
 
Forgive me if I have missed it somewhere along the way, but so far it
seems to mostly be MIA. You have cited a little along these lines  only. 
No-one does physics without solid evidence, nor chemistry, and 
not social science, either, even if, about this last one, 
yeah, some people in the field are little better than bad  journalists.
But I'm sure the point is not lost in the woods somewhere.
 
Damned if I can figure out how the situation in Egypt will be resolved. 
Deduction may be some help, but the crying need is for evidence
that the MSM is not providing the public and which other sources
only have limited access to. 
 
I certainly have my biases in the story. I am sure they color my  
perceptions.
But the best I can come up with is an outcome where a really bad  result
can be made good use of,  or a really good outcome that seems to me 
to be very improbable.
 
Billy
 
==============================================================
 
 
 
message dated 1/30/2011 8:42:25 P.M. Pacific Standard Time,  
[email protected] writes:
 
A more pessimistic view of the Egyptian situation. Like the author, I  hope 
he's wrong. 

Sent from my iPhone

Begin forwarded message:




Subject: [RC] What Egyptian public opinion portends for  the outcome of the 
popular revolt






Jerusalem Post
 
‘I’m  worried that others aren’t worried’ 
By _BARRY RUBIN_ (mailto:[email protected])    
01/30/2011  02:56 

A Middle East  expert answers some pressing questions about the current 
upheaval in  Egypt. 

 
How do you judge  the Egyptian protests? 

It is tempting to see this as a  revolution that will bring down the regime.
 But Egypt is not Tunisia. And  while the demonstrations are passionate, it 
is not clear that the numbers of  participants are huge. If the elite and 
the army hold together they could  well prevail, perhaps by removing 
[_President_ (http://newstopics.jpost.com/topic/President_of_the_United_States) 
  
Hosni] Mubarak to save the regime. We should be cautious in drawing  
conclusions.

Do you see the threat of  an Islamist takeover by the _Muslim Brotherhood_ 
(http://newstopics.jpost.com/topic/Muslim_Brotherhood) ?  

So far, the uprising has not been led by the Brotherhood. But it is  the 
only large organized opposition group. It is hard to see how it would  not be 
the leading force after a while. Its leadership would have to decide  that 
it is facing a revolutionary situation, and that this is the moment for  an 
all-out effort.

But if it does so and fails, there will be a  terrible repression, and the 
group will be crushed. It appears that the  Brotherhood is joining the 
protests, but has not made its basic decision  yet. In the longer term, if the 
regime is completely overthrown, I do  believe the Brotherhood will emerge as 
the leader and perhaps the ruler of  the country.

Do you see any chance that Egypt will follow the  model of Iran in 1979 – 
democratic protests followed by an Islamist  regime? 

Absolutely, yes. On one hand, so far they lack a  charismatic leader. On 
the other hand, alternative non-Islamist leadership  is probably weaker than 
it was in Iran. Remember also that the Iranian  revolution went on for almost 
a year, with the Islamists emerging as leaders  only after five or six 
months.

Many experts predicted that moderate  democrats would emerge as rulers and 
said an Islamist regime was impossible;  but that isn't what happened. I 
very much hope I am wrong.


How can the Arab status quo be changed  without letting the jihadist 
fanatics take power? Are democracy and  liberalism possible? 

One would need strong leaders, strong  organizations, an ability to repress 
opposition, a clear program and unity,  among other things. None of this is 
present on the moderate democratic side.  Again, I wish it were otherwise. 
[In Egypt] more than any other country,  reformers – though not all of them –
 have believed they can work with and  then manipulate the Islamists. That 
seems like a mistake.

The chances  for democracy and liberalism are different in every country.

Tunisia  has a good chance because there is a strong middle class and a 
weak Islamist  movement. But in Egypt – look at the numbers in the latest Pew 
poll. Thirty  percent like _Hizbullah_ 
(http://newstopics.jpost.com/topic/Hezbollah)  (66% don’t). Forty-nine  percent 
are favorable toward Hamas (48% 
are negative); and 20% smile (72%  frown) at al-Qaida.

Roughly speaking, one-fifth of Egyptians applaud  the most extreme Islamist 
terrorist group, while around one-third back  revolutionary Islamists 
abroad. This doesn’t tell us what proportion of  Egyptians want an Islamist 
government at home, but it is an  indicator.

In Egypt, 82% want stoning for those who commit adultery;  77% would like 
to see whippings and hands cut off for robbery; 84% favor the  death penalty 
for a Muslim who changes his religion.

Asked if they  supported “modernizers” or “Islamists,” only 27% said 
modernizers, while 59%  said Islamists.

Is this meaningless? Last December 20, I wrote that  these “horrifying 
figures in Egypt... one day might be cited to explain an  Islamist revolution 
there... What this analysis also shows is that a future  Islamist revolution 
in Egypt and Jordan is quite possible.

What kind of threat does the Muslim Brotherhood  network pose to Israel and 
the Western democracies? 

In  power? A huge threat: renewed  warfare, overwhelming anti-Americanism, 
efforts to spread revolution to  other moderate states, a potential 
alignment with Iran and Syria (though  that might not happen), incredible 
damage to 
Western interests. In short – a  real disaster.

What shocks me is that Western media and experts seem  so carried away by 
this [protest] movement that they are only considering a  best-case outcome. 
As I suggested, I would prefer things were otherwise, but  I am deeply 
worried. And one of the things I'm worried about is that others  don’t seem to 
be 
worried.

Barry Rubin is director of the Global Research in  International Affairs 
(GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review  of International Affairs 
(MERIA) Journal.
-- 


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Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community  
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-- 
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