David :
Your skepticism is well founded. So, let me put it another way  :  "If we 
give
benefit of doubt until proven otherwise, this seems to me to be a  
worthwhile
example of RC."  Deserves looking into anyway.
 
To put a well-intentioned spin on it  --could be wrong, but let's just  
say--
the writer wanted to "give" something to the Left in describing this
development and chose a phrase that could be taken in a benign sense.
 
But, yeah, usually "social justice" is a phrase which masks some dubious  
stuff
that I dislike as much as you do. Might be different in Israel,  though, 
about
which I simply cannot say one way or another.
 
Billy
 
 
 
 
 
message dated 8/14/2011 10:13:41 P.M. Pacific Daylight Time,  
[email protected] writes:

Yeah, except that I don't believe in "social  justice." In most cases it is 
just "social injustice" put on the other foot,  or, rather, the original 
persecuting group, whether or not individuals within  the group had anything 
to do with the original "social injustice." One is  paying for past sins of 
(some of) their ancestors today. Others are paying for  the sins of 
someoneelse's ancestors today and wonder what the heck they did to  deserve it. 
They 
did nothing. They are just the wrong color or  ethnicity.  

It just makes more victims. One has to avoid the  vengeance motive. An eye 
for an eye eventually makes everyone blind, and  solves nothing. 

David

  _   
 
"There is no virtue in  compulsory government charity, and there is no 
virtue in advocating it. A  politician who portrays himself as "caring" and 
"sensitive" because he wants  to expand the government's charitable programs is 
merely saying that he's  willing to try to do good with other people's 
money. Well, who isn't? And a  voter who takes pride in supporting such 
programs 
is telling us that he'll do  good with his own money -- if a gun is held to 
his head."--P. J.  O'Rourke


On 8/14/2011 3:50 PM, Dr.  Ernie Prabhakar wrote:  
A very nice reply to DRB's question about what the alternative to  
capitalism and socialism ("capilism" - nice, Chris!) would look  like. 

Sent from my iPhone

On Aug 14, 2011, at 13:35, [email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])   wrote:





 
(http://ads.worldjewishdaily.com/openx/www/delivery/ck.php?oaparams=2__bannerid=22__zoneid=17__source={obfs:}__cb=0e0b62fc50__oadest=http://www.worldje
wishdaily.com)  

Breaking Jewish News Updated Throughout The  Day
 
What Now?
In Its Search for Social Justice, Israel Must 
Take the Third Way

 
August 14, 2011
 
By Benjamin Kerstein 
The protest movement that has dominated Israeli politics and culture  for 
the past month would seem to have run its course. It has succeeded in  
changing the public discourse, rearranging priorities across the social  and 
economic spectrum, bringing hundreds of thousands into the streets,  and 
garnering the support of an overwhelming number of Israelis, according  to some 
reports, as much as 90 percent. 
In terms of concrete accomplishments, however, not much has happened.  The 
Netanyahu government has put together a blue-ribbon panel to examine  the 
situation and recommend reforms. According to _Haaretz_ 
(http://www.worldjewishdaily.com/toolbar.html?4t=extlink&4u=http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/ne
tanyahu-i-understand-my-views-on-israel-s-economic-policy-need-to-change-1.3
77784) , there are  some good signs that the panel, unlike most similar 
bodies, may actually  intend to do something: 
Netanyahu told Professor Manuel Trajtenberg, the head of the panel of  
experts who will talk with protest leaders, that he understood it was  
necessary 
to change economic policy.   
But Trajtenberg went further, telling Netanyahu he had to change his  
fundamental positions. Netanyahu agreed and said he had read a new book  about 
how Herzl adapted himself to changing circumstances. 
"I understand my views need to change," Netanyahu reportedly  replied.
There is a strong possibility, however, that this is simply a stalling  
tactic. Netanyahu may well be hoping that, come the U.N. vote on  Palestinian 
statehood in September, the protests will be quickly forgotten  and things 
will return to normal. By the time the panel issues its report,  no one will 
care or even pay much attention. 
If true, this is likely wishful thinking on Netanyahu's part. The  
objective economic factors that have driven the protests - income  inequality, 
high 
prices, shortage of housing, under funded public  services, etc. - will not 
go away by themselves. Even if public sentiment  is moderated by concern 
over security issues, after a short period of time  it will likely return, 
angrier than ever, to the issue of social justice.  No god, the saying goes, 
can 
stop a starving man. 
There is no need, however, for Israel to wait on the PM's panel. The  
process of reform can be undertaken immediately, and on a non-partisan  basis. 
At 
this very moment, a viable right-left social justice bloc  already exists 
in the Knesset. It would be composed of the major  opposition parties Kadima 
and Labor, along with large sections of the  Likud and the religious 
parties.  
Given the widespread sentiment across all sectors of society in favor  of 
reform, major legislation would also likely be supported by Meretz, the  
religious nationalist parties, and the Arab parties. Such an informal  
coalition 
would compose well over half the Knesset. More than enough to  enact the 
reforms the public is demanding so fervently. 
This is the case because, in spite of its success over the last few  
decades in remaking Israeli society, the free market system favored by  
Netanyahu 
actually has very little political support in Israel. At most,  it is 
fervently believed in by Netanyahu and a few of his close advisors.  Everyone 
else 
has gone along because it seemed to be necessary and seemed  to be working. 
Now, it seems to be doing neither. 
For most of Israel's neoliberal era, support or acquiescence in free  
market policies was also driven by two other factors: an acknowledgement  of 
the 
historical failure of socialism, and a fear of returning to the bad  old 
days of Israeli austerity and the domination of the Labor Party.  Neoliberalism 
appeared to be, under these circumstances, the only viable  policy. 
There is already another option, however, and it may be uniquely  
well-suited to Israeli society: the "third way." 
Third way economic policies have been described by economist _Joseph E. 
Stiglitz_ 
(http://www.worldjewishdaily.com/toolbar.html?4t=extlink&4u=http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/economics/laureates/2001/stiglitz-autobio.html)
   
as a system that 
recognized the important, but limited, role of government, that  unfettered 
markets often did not work well, but that government was not  always able 
to correct the limitations of markets.
A successful third way policy would be a synthesis of the virtues of  
socialism and the free market system, while using both systems to  ameliorate 
each other's flaws. It would involve, for example, a country in  which 
businesses are encouraged to flourish and grow, but the tax revenues  garnered 
by 
this growth are then channeled into the public sector in order  to provide for 
a more equitable distribution of wealth and a strong  foundation of basic 
services like education and health care. 
In a small, tightly-knit, socially conscious, but also dynamic and  
innovate nation like Israel, a third way policy would likely be both  
successful 
and garner widespread political support. 
The third way is often linked to two other political-economic concepts:  
the "_radical center_ (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Radical_center_(politics)) 
" and  _communitarianism_ (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communitarianism) . 
A  radical center stresses the importance of a pragmatic middle way between 
 more extreme ideological poles, while communitarianism emphasizes the  
importance of recognizing the non-political binds that unite various  
communities within a larger nation, as well as a recognition of the  
responsibility 
of these communities to their members and the state's  responsibility, in 
turn, to these communities. 
In many ways, Israel is already a communitarian society, with a highly  
fractured society composed of many different ethnic and cultural groups,  most 
of which are nonetheless united on certain basic principles. The  state, 
moreover, grants substantial rights and autonomy to many of these  groups and 
recognizes the importance of their communal bonds. 
The radical center has had a rough time of it in Israel as late, but  there 
are strong indications that it also exists, albeit in latent form.  The 
90-something percent of Israelis who support the protests come, must  come, 
from many different groups and sectors in Israeli society. It is  highly 
unlikely that this massive majority supports the more extreme  demands of the 
protest leaders. They come, must come, from Israel's  beleaguered middle class. 
They want radical change, but they want that  change to be neither socialist 
nor neoliberal in nature. They must be, in  other words, radical centrists. 
Squeezed between the radical socialists and anarchists who are  attempting 
- quite unsuccessfully - to hijack the current discontent to  their own 
ends, and a small but powerful neoliberal establishment, this  radical center 
needs and deserves a third way, and the Knesset should act  immediately to 
satisfy its demands. 
It should do so by informally establishing the social justice bloc I  
mentioned above. This bloc should then propose legislation that deals  solely 
with social and economic reform, avoiding the fraught and  irrelevant issues 
that have driven Israeli politics to its current  impasse. 
Israel has reached another historic moment. The failure of  neoliberalism 
has been far less severe than that of socialism, and the  human cost has been 
hardly comparable, but it has failed nonetheless. If  Israel wants to avoid 
the terrible consequences of that failure that have  now engulfed most of 
the rest of the world, it must act and act soon. 
Israel is lucky in that all the tool to do so are readily available.  There 
is a third way and there is the political means to enact it. The  radical 
center in the streets has found the will to act. It is time for  the radical 
center in the Knesset to do the same.
--  
Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
<[email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected]) >
Google  Group: _http://groups.google.com/group/RadicalCentrism_ 
(http://groups.google.com/group/RadicalCentrism) 
Radical  Centrism website and blog: _http://RadicalCentrism.org_ 
(http://RadicalCentrism.org) 






-- 
Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
<[email protected]>
Google Group: http://groups.google.com/group/RadicalCentrism
Radical Centrism website and blog: http://RadicalCentrism.org

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