Forbes
 
   
10/07/2010 @ 3:56PM |275 views 
Germany's Radical Center
 

 




 


 
 (http://blogs.forbes.com/mahaatal/) _Maha Atal_ 
(http://blogs.forbes.com/mahaatal/)  Contributor 
The author is a Forbes contributor. The opinions expressed  are those of 
the writer.  
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The econo-world has been abuzz about Germany because the country has _done 
a remarkable job_ 
(http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703735804575535522640616504.html?mod=rss_europe_whats_news)
  outperforming its first 
world  peers as it emerges from the Great Recession. Last quarter, _it went on 
a 9% growth rampage_ 
(http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2010/08/germanys-monster-quarter/61454/)
 . This year, _it’s expected to grow over 3%_ 
(http://www.monstersandcritics.com/news/business/news/article_1589552.php/Ge
rmany-rebounds-but-much-of-Europe-struggling-IMF-says-Roundup) , compared 
with less than  2% for the most of the developed world. When econo-wonks 
process those stats,  they try to claim the success story as a victory for 
their 
preferred models,  while constructing any downsides as failures of the 
other side. They are wrong  to do so. 
The _right looks approvingly_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/18/business/18view.html?_r=1&scp=1&sq=tyler%20cowen&st=cse)
  at Germany’s flexible labor  
markets, aggressive austerity plans and deficit hawkery, and its disdain 
for  fiscal stimulus after a bad run with it twenty years ago. The _left looks 
approvingly_ 
(http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/09/10/ever-expanding-government/)  at 
Germany’s expansive social  safety net, its strong industrial 
policy, and a handful of _pushy financial regulations_ 
(http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/c97778e4-d230-11df-8fbe-00144feabdc0.html?ftcamp=rss)
 . At the same 
time, both  sides look with some trepidation at Germany’s relationship to the 
eurozone. The  right sees “scary” global governance; the left _sees a 
monetary policy_ 
(http://www.businessweek.com/news/2010-10-05/soros-says-germany-threatens-europe-with-deflationary-spiral-.html)
  that hurts poorer 
countries in  the South. But nobody disputes that whatever Germany is doing 
_works 
for _ 
(http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/thereporters/stephanieflanders/2010/05/dont_sell_germany_short.html)
 _them_ 
(http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/thereporters/stephanieflanders/2010/05/dont_sell_germany_short.html)
 . 
But the German success is not a left- or a right- wing one, nor even a 
Third  Way one. Because while it is true that Gerhard Schroder, the 
undercredited  architect of the German model, was a Third Way liberal, he was 
not 
working from  the same playbook as his Atlanticist counterparts. Clinton and 
Blair 
were  introducing individual market mechanisms into an overall state 
structure,  foreign objects into a preexisting beast, in a way that aimed to 
tame 
the worst  excesses of each system, but did not radically redefine either. 
That’s what it  means to triangulate: to draw connections between disparate 
things and occupy  the space in the middle. 
What Germany did, however, was to merge two complete systems—from  West and 
East Germany—to lie them on top of one another in untamed form, such  that 
both were fundamentally redefined. German interventionist industrial  
policy, its strict fiscal discipline, its robust social welfare system and its  
complicated tax system are not a function of Schroder’s Third Way-ism but 
rather  a function of the peculiar political challenge he inherited: to build 
one  economy out of two. This is something _BusinessWeek’s latest cover on 
Germany _ 
(http://www.businessweek.com/globalbiz/content/sep2010/gb20100929_427718_page_4.htm)
 hints at, but  the piece falls back too easily on the usual 
Third Way explanations for why  specific policies worked. 
Reunification is an equally useful historical marker for understanding  
Germany’s relationship to the eurozone. It is _because of the thorny regional 
politics of reunification and the  legacy of WWII,_ 
(http://www.thenation.com/article/germany-and-euro-crisis)  and _under 
consequent French pressure_ 
(http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,4861759_page_2,00.html) , that Germany  
committed to the monetary union in the first place and was made to take a 
kind  of ownership for its success.  And, as other European powers anticipated 
,  Germany _quickly sought to orient the eurozone_ 
(http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2010/10/what-makes-germany-germany/64099/)
  to benefit  
itself. 
Bickering over whether the ideological mooring of German economic policy is 
 left or right, if its European policy is collaborative or exploitative 
misses  the point—the whole ethos of the German model is that the binary does 
not apply.  And that is unique and powerful and sometimes admirable but it is 
also a  historical accident. So wonks, please stop asking why other 
countries don’t  behave like that.

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