< 
The Great Political Migration

Millions of people are, for good reason, abandoning big-government  blue 
states for low-tax red ones. Michael Medved on the demographic shift  shaking 
up the electoral map. 
by _Michael Medved _ 
(http://www.thedailybeast.com/contributors/michael-medved.html) | August 27, 
2011 3:43 PM  EDT  
 
 
Conservatives yearn for a big, clarifying electoral victory in November 
2012,  but they’re already winning decisively whenever Americans vote with 
their  feet—or their moving vans.
 
_New Census numbers_ 
(http://www.npr.org/2010/12/23/132234651/census-data-will-reshape-u-s-political-landscape)
  show citizens fleeing by the millions 
from  liberal states and flocking in comparable numbers to bastions of 
right-wing  sentiment. Call it the Great Political Migration.

 
Between 2009 and 2010 the five biggest losers in terms of “residents lost 
to  other states” were all prominent redoubts of progressivism: California, 
New  York, Illinois, Michigan, and New Jersey. Meanwhile, the five biggest 
winners in  the relocation sweepstakes are all commonly identified as red 
states in which  Republicans generally dominate local politics: Florida, Texas, 
North Carolina,  Arizona, and Georgia. Expanding the review to a 10-year 
span, the biggest  population gainers (in percentage terms) have been even more 
conservative than  last year’s winners: Nevada, Arizona, Utah, Idaho, and 
Texas, in that  order.
 
The shift in national demographics has already rearranged the playing field 
 for the upcoming presidential election. States that Barack Obama carried 
were  the biggest losers in the reapportionment that followed the 2010 
Census, with  New York and Ohio dropping two electoral votes each. Texas, 
meanwhile, gained a  whopping four votes all by its Lone Star lonesome self. 
Even in 
the unlikely  event that Obama carried exactly the same states he carried 
in 2008, he’d still  win six fewer electoral votes in 2012. Even more 
tellingly, if the epic  Bush-Gore battle of 2000 played out on the new 
Electoral 
College map, with the  two candidates carrying precisely the states they each 
won 11 years ago, the  result would have been a far more clear-cut GOP 
victory margin of 33 electoral  votes (instead of the five-vote nail-biter 
recorded in history  books).



 
Fifty years ago, the United States saw a mass migration from east to west.  
Today we’re witnessing a comparable migration from left to  right.

 
 
This significant shift in population not only presents progressives with  
significant problems in terms of practical politics, but also confronts them  
with profound ideological challenges.
 
If liberal approaches work so well, why are so many people choosing to pack 
 their bags and desert some of the most progressive, pro-labor, 
big-government  states in the union?
 
And if uncompromising conservatism is a cruel, fraudulent disaster, why do  
small-government, pro-business, low-tax, gun-toting, and churchgoing states 
draw  such a disproportionate number of America’s internal immigrants?
 
In the emerging presidential campaign, it’s easy to see a version of these  
questions dominating the debate. Why should anyone choose to endorse 
liberal,  Democratic policies when a single year (2009-10) saw 880,000 
residents 
packing  up their belongings to place Barack Obama’s Illinois in their 
rear-view mirror,  while 782,000 new arrivals helped drive the robust economy 
in 
_Rick Perry’s Texas_ 
(http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2011/08/24/kinky-friedman-rick-perry-s-got-my-vote.html)
 ?
 
During the bad old days of the Cold War, so many people tried to leave East 
 Germany that the communists built a wall to keep them in. The world 
rightly took  that gesture as evidence of failure and corruption in the 
Stalinist  
system.
 
California can’t raise a wall to prevent people from abandoning the  
Not-So-Golden State, or somehow deter or return the 2 million who decamped  
between 2009 and 2010. Doesn’t this overwhelming outflow of residents count as  
powerful evidence of the failure, corruption, and bankruptcy of the state’s  
leadership—long dominated by legislative leftists, even under the moderate 
GOP  governorship of Arnold Schwarzenegger? For the first time since statehood 
in  1850, a new Census brought no increase in California’s representation 
in  Congress (or the Electoral College).
 
California has become a sad symbol of dysfunctional government at its  
shabbiest, shadiest, most sclerotic, and irresponsible—an exquisitely painful  
irony for those of us who recall the Golden State’s onetime position in the  
national imagination. Not so long ago, the whole nation (or at least its 
most  enterprising and adventurous elements) seemed to envy the state and to 
embrace  the notion of “California Dreamin’.”
 
My late parents cherished that dream and made the trek from Philadelphia to 
 my dad’s first job (after graduate school on the GI Bill) in San Diego. 
They  loaded a battered, gray ’53 Plymouth with their possessions and their 
5-year-old  son (me) and drove across the country for a thrilling new life. 
Growing up in  the ’50s and ’60s, nearly everyone we knew seemed recently 
arrived from  somewhere else, thrilled to experience the electric atmosphere of 
a place that  seemed to define America’s bright future.
 
After my parents’ divorce, my father eventually decided to leave California 
 for a corner of the earth that promised even more excitement and  
significance—Israel—and he spent the last 19 years of his life in Jerusalem. As 
 
for me, I finally persuaded my wife, Diane (a fifth-generation Californian 
whose  ancestors arrived in Gold Rush days), to move our family to Washington 
state in  1996, and there’s never been a day when I regretted that decision.
 
To some, this move from one center for liberal lunacy to another 
progressive  outpost made no sense: Seattle offered the lefty politics of 
California 
but with  considerably less sunshine. But there is one striking difference 
between these  two Pacific Coast states: When it comes to income taxes, 
California’s top rate  recently crested to an appalling 10.3 percent (on top of 
federal tax burdens,  sales tax, property tax, and much more). Washington, on 
the other hand, imposes  no income tax at all, and ongoing growth makes 
Washington the only blue state  (that’s right, the only one) that added a 
congressional seat in the recent  Census.
 
The impact of state income taxes helps explain the flow of business and  
families to those states with more hospitable, less-intrusive attitudes toward 
 enterprise. The dollars involved are hardly trivial. California punishes 
the  stinking, selfish, filthy rich by imposing the second-highest rate–9.3  
percent—on every dollar an individual earns beyond the obscenely lavish sum 
of  $46,766. New York takes similar aim at privileged plutocrats, with indivi
dual  tax rates of at least 6.75 percent for any earnings above …$20,000. 
But if those  hard-pressed wage-earners make their way to Nevada or Utah, they
’ll pay nothing  in state income tax, and revel in their residence in one 
of eight states that  avoid punishing earning and effort. Even in 
left-tilting Washington, voters in  2010 rejected (by nearly 2 to 1) a state 
income tax 
placed on the ballot by Bill  Gates Sr.
 
There are no real political refugees within the United States, and few  
families move from one state to another to search for more congenial political  
leadership. Climate, family concerns, and job opportunities are all 
factors. But  the contrasting cultures that state politics help to shape make a 
big 
difference  in determining which parts of the nation seem more or less 
promising to  potential migrants. With the Gallup poll showing self-described “
conservatives”  outnumbering self-proclaimed “liberals” by nearly 2 to 1 (41 
percent to 21  percent) it’s not surprising that states with pro-business, 
pro-family attitudes  draw disproportionate numbers of new arrivals. At the 
same time, it makes sense  that those states with aggressive, intrusive 
bureaucracies, high taxes, and  relentless experiments in multiculturalism will 
encourage mass  departures.
 
The millions of resettlers who move their families to more sympathetic 
venues  surely feel motivated by personal considerations more than ideology, 
but 
they  still play a role in reshaping the nation’s political future. For 
generations,  conservatives tried to convince doubters that their ideas were 
right in some  ultimate, philosophical sense. Now, with countless frustrated 
families making  fresh starts in right-leaning states, they’ve obviously made 
the case that in  the real world, it’s the conservative approach that works.
August 27, 2011

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