See the other stuff about the protests that I sent today.
Like the Tea Party, this movement is also divided into sub-groups,
the good guys and the crazies. I think there are more crazies
in the Wall Street protest groups, but who's counting ?
 
But, yeah, you know my sentiments about the BHO  WH.
 
I heard a good analogy by a talking head yesterday or the day before.
At least this applies to the non-crazies.
 
The Tea Party is primarily focused on Washington DC, the Wall Street  
protestors
are primarily focused on NYC. Also, one filters its thinking moreso than  
not
through a conservative lens, the other through a 'liberal' lens, but in the 
 end
both are reacting to much the same thing, getting ripped off, being lied  
to,
and moneybags who own the government, lock, stock, and barrel.
 
As I said, and thanks for making an issue out of it, this does not  include
the crazies. The Anarchists, hard core Leftists, etc, plus conspiracy  
theory
nuts on the Right,  can all go pluck themselves.
 
Billy
 
 
-------------------------------------------------------------
 
 
 
 
message dated 10/9/2011 7:27:37 P.M. Pacific Daylight Time,  
[email protected] writes:

I don't know either. I DO know that with all of the  bank bailouts, 
stimulus, TARP, etc, that if they want to protest against Wall  Street, one of 
the 
most prime places to do it would be 1600 Pennsylvania Ave,  Washington, DC 
at the residence of President Goldman Sachs.  

David

 
"Anyone  who thinks he has a better idea of what's good for people than 
people do is a  swine."--P. J.  O’Rourke 


On 10/9/2011 4:11 PM, [email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])  wrote:  
International Herald Tribune
 
 
Editorial
Protesters Against Wall  Street
Published: October 8, 2011 

 
 
As the Occupy Wall Street protests spread from Lower Manhattan to  
Washington and other cities, the chattering classes keep complaining that  the 
marchers lack a clear message and specific policy prescriptions. The  message — 
and the solutions — should be obvious to anyone who has been  paying 
attention since the economy went into a recession that continues to  sock the 
middle 
class while the rich have recovered and prospered. The  problem is that no 
one in Washington has been listening. 
 
At this point, protest is the message: income inequality is grinding down  
that middle class, increasing the ranks of the poor, and threatening to  
create a permanent underclass of able, willing but jobless people. On one  
level, the protesters, most of them young, are giving voice to a generation  of 
lost opportunity.  
The jobless rate for college graduates under age 25 has averaged 9.6  
percent over the past year; for young high school graduates, the average is  
21.6 
percent. Those figures do not reflect graduates who are working but in  
low-paying jobs that do not even require diplomas. Such poor prospects in  the 
early years of a career portend a lifetime of diminished prospects and  
lower earnings — the very definition of downward mobility.  
The protests, though, are more than a youth uprising. The protesters’ own  
problems are only one illustration of the ways in which the economy is not  
working for most Americans. They are exactly right when they say that the  
financial sector, with regulators and elected officials in collusion,  
inflated and profited from a credit bubble that burst, costing millions of  
Americans their jobs, incomes, savings and home equity. As the bad times  have 
endured, Americans have also lost their belief in redress and recovery.   
The initial outrage has been compounded by bailouts and by elected  
officials’ hunger for campaign cash from Wall Street, a toxic combination  that 
has 
reaffirmed the economic and political power of banks and bankers,  while 
ordinary Americans suffer.  
Extreme inequality is the hallmark of a dysfunctional economy, dominated  
by a financial sector that is driven as much by speculation, gouging and  
government backing as by productive investment.  
When the protesters say they represent 99 percent of Americans, they are  
referring to the concentration of income in today’s deeply unequal society.  
Before the recession, the share of income held by those in the top 1 percent 
 of households was 23.5 percent, the highest since 1928 and more than 
double  the 10 percent level of the late 1970s.  
That share declined slightly as financial markets tanked in 2008, and  
updated data is not yet available, but inequality has almost certainly  
resurged. In the last few years, for instance, corporate profits (which flow  
largely to the wealthy) have reached their highest level as a share of the  
economy since 1950, while worker pay as a share of the economy is at its  
lowest 
point since the mid-1950s.  
Income gains at the top would not be as worrisome as they are if the  
middle class and the poor were also gaining. But working-age households saw  
their real income decline in the first decade of this century. The recession  
and its aftermath have only accelerated the decline.  
Research shows that such extreme inequality correlates to a _host of ills_ 
(http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2009/mar/13/the-spirit-level) ,  including 
lower levels of _educational  attainment_ 
(http://cepa.stanford.edu/content/widening-academic-achievement-gap-between-rich-and-poor-new-evidence-and-poss
ible-explanations) , _poorer health_ 
(http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/other/su6001.pdf)  and less  public investment. It 
also skews _political power_ 
(http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/content/69/5/778.short) ,  because policy almost 
invariably reflects the views of upper-income  Americans versus those of 
lower-income Americans.  
No wonder then that Occupy Wall Street has become a magnet for  discontent. 
There are plenty of policy goals to address the grievances of  the 
protesters — including lasting foreclosure relief, a financial  transactions 
tax, 
greater legal protection for workers’ rights, and more  progressive taxation. 
The country needs a shift in the emphasis of public  policy from protecting 
the banks to fostering full employment, including  public spending for job 
creation and development of a strong, long-term  strategy to increase 
domestic manufacturing.  
It is not the job of the protesters to draft legislation. That’s the job  
of the nation’s leaders, and if they had been doing it all along there might  
not be a need for these marches and rallies. Because they have not, the  
public airing of grievances is a legitimate and important end in itself. It  
is also the first line of defense against a return to the Wall Street ways  
that plunged the nation into an economic crisis from which it has yet to  
emerge. 




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