_Informed  Comment_ (http://www.juancole.com/)  
 
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_Why did the Egyptian Military Attack the Copts?_ 
(http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/juancole/ymbn/~3/S3S7RM84814/why-did-the-egyptian-military-attack-the-
copts.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email)   
Posted:  10 Oct 2011 10:00 PM PDT 
 
_Monday  saw clashes yet again between Coptic Christians and Egyptian 
police_ 
(http://news.yahoo.com/clashes-resume-between-egyptian-christians-police-101822266.html)
 ,  when a crowd of mourners gathered outside a hospital 
where the bodies of  some of the over 30 protesters killed Sunday night are 
being kept  because relatives haven’t yet given permission for them to be sent 
for  autopsies. The protesters threw stones at police. They were joined by a  
prominent woman protester from the New Left April 6 movement, Asma’  
Mahfouz (a Muslim), who said she blamed the military for those killed in  the 
Maspero district. Mahfouz has been calling for the officers to go  back to 
their 
barracks, and was briefly jailed in August. 
Al-Hayah _writes  in Arabic_ 
(http://international.daralhayat.com/internationalarticle/316785)  that 
thousands of Coptic Christians had marched on 
Sunday  from the Cairo slum of Shubra to the area of the state television  
station, where they were attacked by soldiers in armored vehicles. Some  28 
were 
killed, the bulk of them crushed by an armored vehicle, and  dozens were 
wounded or arrested.  
The demonstrators _appear to have  intended to camp_ 
(http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/node/503360)  out in front of the television 
station in the  
Maspero area, and presumably the military used such unusual amounts of  force 
in 
an attempt to forestall the emergence of another ongoing Tahrir  
Square-type rallying point. The military may also have been angered by  calls 
from the 
Coptic Christian crowds for the Supreme Council of the  Armed Forces to 
withdraw and let civilians rule. Copts had been angered  by military dispersal 
of an earlier protest, and a general feeling that  the ruling officers are 
unsympathetic to their demands for more  equality. 
The current round of Christian protests was sparked by a _Muslim-Christian  
dispute in the town of Mar Inabu_ 
(http://asenseofbelonging.wordpress.com/2011/10/02/burning-the-church-dome-awr-investigations-in-edfu/)
  near Edfu in 
distant Upper Egypt,  over whether a storefront church there was properly 
licensed. The small  Christian congregation of two dozen families in the town 
of 50,000  maintain that it it has been, for some time. Local 
fundamentalist  Muslims argued that the building was not zoned for religious 
use but was  
rather a private apartment. The Christian attempt to build a second  story 
over it with a dome was attacked by local Muslim fundamentalists.  You wouldn
’t think a dispute like that would be best resolved by burning  down the 
church, but that is what the fundamentalist Salafis are accused  of doing. The 
latter were taking advantage of the reduced presence of  security forces in 
the new, revolutionary situation.  
The conflict between the Salafis and the _Copts in  Upper Egypt_ 
(http://www.minorityrights.org/3933/egypt/copts.html)  is likely at least 
partly over 
class and status  hierarchies. Although Coptic Christians are only 10 
percent of  Egyptians, they are a larger proportion of the population in Upper  
Egypt, and there some are part of provincial elites, being landowners or  
merchants.(I’m not saying this was the case in Mar Inab, just  regionally). 
Many 
Salafis are working or lower middle class. Well-off  minorities are often 
attacked by disadvantaged members of the dominant  majority, in what might be 
called the _Virgil Tibbs phenomenon_ (http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0061811/) 
.   
Then the governor of Aswan more or less took the side of the  
fundamentalists, questioning whether the Copts had had the right to  maintain a 
storefont 
church in the building. 
But the conflict also cuts across religious divides, since many of  the 
pro-democracy protesters of Muslim heritage are taking the Coptic  Christians’ 
side against the authorities of Egypt’s interim  government. 
The important thing to note is that while one can understand  Christian 
anger over the events in Mar Inabu, it is a tiny place way out  in the 
boondocks, and what happened there is, while hardly  unprecedented, not typical 
of 
the fate of Christians in Egypt. The  Coptic Sawaris family, with more than 
one billionaire in it, did not get  to where they are without partnerships 
and alliances with Muslim  Egyptians. There is an open alliance, e.g., between 
_Naguib Sawaris and  Egypt’s Sufi orders, comprised of more open-minded 
mystical Muslims_ (http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/node/200223)   who reject 
Salafi fundamentalism. 
The big question is why the military in Cairo responded so violently  to 
the attempt to stage a sit-in at the television station. After all,  there 
have been much bigger protests on many occasions since Hosni  Mubarak stepped 
down, which have not been dealt with so brutally. There  are only a few 
possibilities: 
1. Relatively green troops went berserk on _hearing  from state television 
that the Coptic protesters_ 
(http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/23813/Egypt/Politics-/Copts-say-Egyptian-state-TV-incited-riots-against-.aspx)
 
 were attacking  military police (which was untrue before the military ran 
their friends  over with tanks). State television is still full of Mubarak 
appointees  and sympathizers. 
2. The officers who gave the crackdown orders are tired of public  protests 
and decided to send a signal that they should end, figuring  that it was 
safe to crack down hard on a minority to make them an object  lesson. 
3. The officers deliberately wanted to divide and rule by distracting  the 
public with sectarian tensions, as an excuse to maintain military  rule. 
The last explanation is the darkest, and one credited by many in the  
democracy movement. Personally, I think explanation 1) above is more  likely. 
In any case, it is not true, as Prime Minister Essam Sharaf said  Monday, 
that sectarian issues are a threat to Egypt’s movement toward  more 
democracy. The threat came from heavy-handed military intervention  against 
demonstrators. This is proven by the solidarity of  Muslim-heritage protesters 
with 
the Christian rallies. If the government  had supported the rule of law in 
Mar Inabu and honored the right of  peaceable assembly at Maspero, there would 
have been no crisis. Blaming  the problems on religious tensions is just a 
way of muddying the waters.  The problem is that authoritarianism, coddling 
fundamentalists, and  heavy-handed military rule are incompatible with human 
 freedoms.




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