Real Clear Politics
 
October 17, 2011  
Downward Mobility
By _Robert  Samuelson_ 
(http://www.realclearpolitics.com/authors/?author=Robert+Samuelson&id=14456) 

WASHINGTON -- A specter haunts America: downward mobility. Every 
generation,  we believe, should live better than its predecessor. By and large, 
Americans  still embrace that promise. A Pew survey earlier this year found 
that 
48 percent  of respondents felt that their children’s living standards would 
exceed their  own. Although that’s down from 61 percent in 2002, it’s on a 
par with the  mid-1990s. But these expectations could be dashed. For young 
Americans, the  future could be dimmer. 
Along with jobs, the 2012 presidential election could be fought over this  
issue. “Can the Middle Class Be Saved?” worried a recent cover story in The 
 Atlantic. Pessimism rises with schooling. In the Pew poll, 54 percent of  
respondents with a high-school diploma or less felt their children would do  
better; only 35 percent of graduate school alums agreed. “A kind of 
depression  has set in,” writes Washington Post columnist Richard Cohen. “We’ve 
lost our  mojo, our groove.”

 
It can be argued that all this glumness repeats a historical error:  
projecting the present onto the future. Just because the economy is rotten 
today  
doesn’t mean that it will always be. After World War II, the Nobel 
Prize-winning  economist Robert Fogel has recalled, there was widespread “alarm 
about 
massive  unemployment.” Eleven million veterans and 9 million defense 
industry workers  had to be re-employed. People feared a new Depression. It 
didn’
t happen, because  pent-up demand for homes, cars and appliances fueled a 
hiring boom. 
Unfortunately, this caveat is only half relevant now. Our future would  
certainly be brighter if the economy resumed strong growth, but that wouldn’t  
automatically ensure higher living standards. A society generates those 
through  productivity -- increases in efficiency, technology or business 
organization  that lower costs or enable firms to pay higher wages. Without 
higher  
productivity, broad living standards won’t rise. But even with it, the 
young may  not enjoy gains. 
The explanation is that productivity improvements have already been 
committed  to demographic trends we can’t alter (aging) or problems we haven’t 
addressed  (runaway health costs, deteriorating infrastructure). Future 
productivity and  income gains will be diverted to these uses: higher taxes to 
pay 
for an older  population; health spending; and taxes and fees to repair 
roads, schools and  water systems. 
It’s already happening. “A decade of health care cost growth has wiped out 
 real income gains for an average U.S. family,” report two Rand Corporation 
 researchers in the journal Health Affairs. From 1999 to 2009, total 
compensation  of a typical four-member family with employer-paid health 
insurance 
rose by  $23,000. About 95 percent of this (almost $22,000) went to 
inflation and health  care, including employer costs, family premiums, 
out-of-pocket 
payments and  taxes. For most families, higher costs didn’t deliver 
parallel benefits. The  reason: Health spending is concentrated; the sickest 5 
percent account for half  the total. 
Meanwhile, spendable incomes -- what people consider their living standards 
 -- stagnate. The squeeze will continue. In 1990, there were 32 million 
Americans  65 and over; by 2040, that’s reckoned at 80 million. Rising costs 
for Social  Security and Medicare have created a new political dynamic: if 
benefits for the  elderly aren’t cut, burdens on the young will go up. Decaying 
infrastructure  poses similar choices. Either pay for repairs or tolerate 
substandard roads and  dilapidated schools. 
Our children’s futures have been heavily mortgaged. That’s true even if 
the  economy returns in a few years to “full employment” (say, 5 percent  
unemployment) and past productivity gains (about 1.7 percent annually since  
1966) continue. If today’s weak recovery persists, the outlook darkens.  
Unemployment will remain high, say 7 percent to 9 percent. Wage increases will  
remain depressed. Young workers will have trouble finding jobs to develop the 
 skills and contacts that lead to better jobs. Productivity growth might  
falter. 
America is a competitive society. It’s not guaranteed that children achieve 
 their parents’ relative economic status: The children of parents in the 
richest  20 percent won't automatically stay in the richest 20 percent. Some 
children  advance; some fall. But if overall incomes are rising, even those 
who don't  advance relatively often have higher absolute incomes  than their 
parents. Studies by the Pew Economic Mobility Project confirm this.  
Two-thirds of Americans have higher incomes than their parents; half of those  
either ranked in the same spot of the economic distribution as their parents or 
 
lower. 
Generational gains tempered individual setbacks. We may now lose this  
comforting cushion. Our leaders might try to avoid that by boosting economic  
growth, controlling health spending and trimming benefits for the elderly. But 
 we aren’t sure how to do the first and lack the political will to do the 
second  and third. The future is never entirely predictable, but downward 
mobility is  not just a scary sound bite. It’s a real  possibility.

-- 
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