October 29, 2011  
Wary of China, Its Southern Neighbors Court  India
By _Harsh  Pant_ 
(http://www.realclearworld.com/authors/?author=Harsh+Pant&id=1172) 
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China's growing power and muscle-flexing vis-à-vis its neighbors have now  
resulted in a regional balancing effort. Earlier this month presidents of  
China's southern neighbors, Burma and Vietnam, made official visits to India 
-  as much recognition of India's growing economic and political heft as  
acknowledgement that India is a good bet as they seek strategic balance in a  
region transformed by China's rapid ascent. 
This is a time of great turmoil in the Asian strategic landscape, and India 
 is trying to make itself relevant to the regional states. With its 
political and  economic rise, Beijing has started dictating the boundaries of 
acceptable  behavior to its neighbors, thereby laying bare the costs of great 
power  politics. In July, an Indian warship on a friendly visit to Vietnam 
reported an  unidentified Chinese radio warning when it was about 45 nautical 
miles off the  Vietnamese coast. Tensions are rising between China and smaller 
states in East  Asia and Southeast Asia over territorial issues. The US and 
its allies have  already started reassessing their regional strategies, and 
a loose anti-China  balancing coalition is emerging. 
India's role becomes critical in such an evolving balance of power. As  
Singapore's elder-statesman Lee Kuan Yew has argued, he would like India to be  
"part of the Southeast Asia balance of forces" and "a counterweight [to 
China]  in the Indian Ocean." 
 




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Other regional states, too, are keen on a more pro-active Indian role in 
the  region. And the visits of Vietnamese President Truong Tan Sang and 
Burmese  President Thein Sein to India should be viewed in this broader 
context. 
Both  Vietnam and Burma have hit a rough patch in their ties with China. 
China has  sparred with regional states including the Philippines, Vietnam, 
Malaysia,  Brunei and Taiwan, asserting its "indisputable sovereignty" over the 
South China  Sea. Some like the Philippines and Vietnam have pushed back. 
Philippines  President Benigno Aquino Jr. told his nation: "We do not wish to 
increase  tensions with anyone, but we must let the world know that we are 
ready to  protect what is ours." Ever mindful of not provoking China, Vietnam 
has sent its  top party leader to China and the president to India, but has 
made it clear that  it wants the US and India to counterbalance Chinese 
power. 
In September, when Beijing told New Delhi that its permission was needed 
for  India's state-owned oil and gas firm to explore energy on two Vietnamese 
blocks  in the South China Sea, Vietnam quickly cited the 1982 United N
ations Convention  of the Law of the Sea to claim that blocks 127 and 128 were 
in 
Vietnamese  territorial waters. New Delhi supported Hanoi's claims and has 
made it clear  that its state-owned firm would continue to explore in the 
South China Sea. This  rare display of spine has helped India strengthen its 
profile in the region and  its relationship with Vietnam in particular. 
The two nations also have high stakes in ensuring sea-lane security in the  
Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. Given that Vietnam and India use 
similar  Russian and erstwhile Soviet weapons systems - from submarines to jet 
fighters -  Hanoi has been seeking collaboration with New Delhi on defense. 
Talks are  ongoing for India to sell the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, 
developed by an  Indo-Russian joint venture. Such collaboration could allow 
Vietnam to acquire  military muscle and improve deterrence against China. 
Naval cooperation between Vietnam and India remains the focus with Vietnam  
giving India the right to use its port in the south, Nha Trang, situated 
close  to the strategically significant Cam Ranh Bay. During Sang's visit to 
India, the  two sides reiterated the need to enhance cooperation in ensuring 
safety and  security of the region's sea lanes and launched a security 
dialogue. To give  strong economic foundation to the bilateral ties, it was 
also 
decided to  increase the trade target to $7 billion by 2015 from the present 
$2.7  billion. 
Burma too has made its own overtures to India. President Then Sein has  
pursued a range of reforms in the domestic realm that include opening  
substantive talks with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, declaration of  
amnesty 
for political prisoners and cancellation of the Chinese-funded Myitsone  Dam 
project. These efforts could be viewed as an attempt to seek a rapprochement 
 with the democratic world, and that may be why for his first visit abroad 
as  president of a nominal civilian government, Thein Sein chose India. 
During his visit, Then Sein sought greater Indian investment in Burma's  
energy sector even as the two nations agreed to expand cooperation in oil and  
gas exploration, open border trade, and speed up construction of natural 
gas  pipelines. India, which is investing in the Kaladan multimodal transport 
system,  connecting India's eastern seaboard to its northeastern states 
through Myanmar,  further offered $500 million in credits for infrastructure 
projects.  
____________________________________
  
While India is under pressure from the West to demonstrate democratic  
credentials, its strategic interests have been winning out in relations with  
Burma in recent years. Due to such strategic interests, New Delhi has only  
gently nudged the Burmese junta on the issue of democracy, gradually gaining a 
 sense of trust at the highest echelons of Burma's ruling elite. India 
would be  loath to lose this relationship. As such, India remains opposed to 
Western  sanctions on the country. Burma's recent moves towards democratic 
transition  will give India a larger strategic space to maneuver, and compared 
to Beijing,  New Delhi will be a more attractive partner for Naypyidaw as it 
tries to find a  modus vivendi with the West. 
India is emerging as a serious player in the Asian strategic landscape as  
smaller states in East Asia reach out to it for trade, diplomacy and,  
potentially, as a key regional balancer. The "Look East" policy initiated by 
one  
of the most visionary prime ministers India has ever had, P.V. Narasimha 
Rao, is  now the cornerstone of India's engagement with the world's most 
economically  dynamic region. India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has made it 
clear that his  government's foreign-policy priority will be east and 
southeast Asia, poised for  sustained growth in the 21st century. 
China is too big and too powerful to be ignored by the regional states. But 
 the states in China's vicinity are now seeking to expand their strategic 
space  by reaching out to other regional and global powers. Smaller states in 
the  region are now looking to India to act as a balancer in view of 
China's growing  influence and America's anticipated retrenchment from the 
region 
in the near  future, while larger states see India as an attractive engine 
for regional  growth. To live up to its full potential and meet the region's 
expectations,  India must do a more convincing job of emerging as a credible 
strategic partner  of the region. Neither India nor the regional states in 
East Asia have incentive  to define their relationship in opposition to 
China. But they are certainly  interested in leveraging their ties with other 
states to gain benefits from  China and bring a semblance of equality in their 
relationships. Great power  politics in the region have only just  
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Harsh V. Pant is a Reader in International Relations at King's College  
London in the Department of Defence Studies. His recent books include "The 
China  Syndrome" (HarperCollins) and "The US-India Nuclear Pact: Policy, 
Process, and  Great Power Politics" (Oxford University Press). 
Copyright © 2011 Yale Center for the Study of  Globalization

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