This is a down payment about the dirty linen of His Holiness, the Dalai  
Lama.
There is much more, including his sponsorship of a scholarly "institute"  
that
falsifies the history of Islam in order to whitewash that history   --for 
reasons
that still elude me even if this fact cannot be disputed. It is well  
documented.
 
There is also another  historical fact, the Dalai Lama's  associations with 
a variety
of Fascists and other far-Right, Right-wingers.
 
Billy
 
================================================
 
 
from the site :
Green Left
 
 
The Dalai Lama's hidden past

 
 
 

 
 
 
Wednesday, September  25, 1996 


Comment by Norm  Dixon




 
Most solidarity and environmental groups supporting the Tibetan people's  
cause have not questioned the Dalai Lama's role in Tibetan history or 
addressed  what it would mean for the Tibetan people if the Dalai Lama and his 
coterie  returned to power.  
A 1995 document distributed by the Dalai Lama's Office of Tibet 
aggressively  states that "China tries to justify its occupation and repressive 
rule of 
Tibet  by pretending that it 'liberated' Tibetan society from 'medieval 
feudal serfdom'  and 'slavery'. Beijing trots out this myth to counter every 
international  pressure to review its repressive policies in Tibet." It then 
coyly concedes:  "Traditional Tibetan society was by no means perfect ... 
However, it was not as  bad as China would have us believe." 
Was this a myth? Tibet's Buddhist monastic nobility controlled all land on  
behalf of the "gods". They monopolised the country's wealth by exacting 
tribute  and labour services from peasants and herders. This system was similar 
to how  the medieval Catholic Church exploited peasants in feudal Europe. 
Tibetan peasants and herders had little personal freedom. Without the  
permission of the priests, or lamas, they could not do anything. They were  
considered appendages to the monastery. The peasantry lived in dire poverty  
while enormous wealth accumulated in the monasteries and in the Dalai Lama's  
palace in Lhasa. 
In 1956 the Dalai Lama, fearing that the Chinese government would soon move 
 on Lhasa, issued an appeal for gold and jewels to construct another throne 
for  himself. This, he argued, would help rid Tibet of "bad omens". One 
hundred and  twenty tons were collected. When the Dalai Lama fled to India in 
1959, he was  preceded by more than 60 tons of treasure. 

 (https://www.greenleft.org.au/subscribe/details) 
Romantic notions about the "peaceful" and "harmonious" nature of Tibetan  
Buddhist monastic life should be tested against reality. The Lithang 
Monastery  in eastern Tibet was where a major rebellion against Chinese rule 
erupted 
in  1956. Beijing tried to levy taxes on its trade and wealth. The 
monastery housed  5000 monks and operated 113 "satellite" monasteries, all 
supported 
by the labour  of the peasants. 
Chris Mullin, writing in the Far Eastern Economic Review in 1975,  
described Lithang's monks as "not monks in the Western sense ... many were  
involved 
in private trade; some carried guns and spent much of their time  violently 
feuding with rival monasteries. One former citizen describes Lithang  as 
'like the Wild West'." 
The Tibetan "government" in Lhasa was composed of lamas selected for their  
religious piety. At the head of this theocracy was the Dalai Lama. The 
concepts  democracy, human rights or universal education were unknown. 
The Dalai Lama and the majority of the elite agreed to give away Tibet's de 
 facto independence in 1950 once they were assured by Beijing their 
exploitative  system would be maintained. Nine years later, only when they felt 
their  privileges were threatened, did they revolt. Suddenly the words 
"democracy" and  "human rights" entered the vocabulary of the 
government-in-exile, 
operating out  of Dharamsala in India ever since. 
Dharamsala and the Dalai Lama's commitment to democracy seems weak. An 
Office  of Tibet document claims "soon after His Holiness the Dalai Lama's 
arrival in  India, he re-established the Tibetan Government in exile, based on 
modern  democratic principles". Yet it took more than 30 years for an Assembly 
of  Tibetan People's Deputies to be directly elected from among the 130,000 
exiles.  Of 46 assembly members, only 30 are elected. The other 16 are 
appointed by  religious authorities or directly by the Dalai Lama. 
All assembly decisions must be approved by the Dalai Lama, whose sole claim 
 to the status of head of state is that he has been selected by the gods. 
The  separation of church and state is yet to be recognised by the Dalai Lama 
as a  "modern democratic principle". 
The right-wing nature of the Dalai Lama and the government-in-exile was  
further exposed by its relationship with the US CIA. The Dalai Lama concealed  
the CIA's role in the 1959 uprising until 1975. 
Between 1956 and 1972 the CIA armed and trained Tibetan guerillas. The 
Dalai  Lama's brothers acted as intermediaries. Before the 1959 uprising, the 
CIA  parachuted arms and trained guerillas into eastern Tibet. The Dalai Lama  
maintained radio contact with the CIA during his 1959 escape to India. 
Even the Dalai Lama's commitment to allowing the Tibetan people a genuine 
act  of self-determination is debatable. Without consultation with the 
Tibetan  people, the Dalai Lama openly abandoned his movement's demand for 
independence  in 1987. This shift was first communicated to Beijing secretly in 
1984. The  Dalai Lama's proposals now amount to calling for negotiations with 
Beijing to  allow him and his exiled government to resume administrative 
power in an  "autonomous", albeit larger, Tibet. The Dalai Lama's call for 
international  pressure on Beijing seeks only to achieve this. 
There are indications that a younger generation of exiled Tibetans is now  
questioning the traditional leadership. In Dharamsala, the New  
Internationalist reported recently, young Tibetans have criticised the  
abandonment of 
the demand for independence and the Dalai Lama's rejection of  armed 
struggle. They openly question the influence of religion, saying it holds  back 
the 
struggle. Some have received death threats for challenging the old  guard. 
Several recently-arrived refugees were elected to the Assembly of Tibetan  
People's Deputies. 
The Tibetan people deserve the right to national self-determination. 
However,  supporting their struggle should not mean that we uncritically 
support 
the  self-proclaimed leadership of the Dalai Lama and his compromised  
"government-in-exile". Their commitment to human rights, democracy and support  
for genuine self-determination can only be judged from their actions and their 
 willingness to tell the truth.

-- 
Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
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