Valuable article that follows but there is on major flaw, it comes at the  
very end , where
the author urges the GOP to adopt a "gay friendly" attitude toward  
homosexual
households. This is to recommend placating the desires of approximately 3 % 
 of
the population at the expense of the values and feelings of most of the  
Republican base,
and that it is a recipe for disaster. Otherwise the article is thoughtful  
and
well worth thinking about.
 
Billy
 
 
============================================
 
 
 
 
 
Daily Beast
 
 
 
The Myth of the  Republican Party’s Inevitable Decline
by _Joel Kotkin_ 
(http://www.thedailybeast.com/contributors/joel-kotkin.html)  Apr  17, 2012 
4:45 AM EDT  
 

As immigration slows and millennials marry, the GOP  has reason for 
long-term hope, writes Joel Kotkin. 


 
 
The map is shifting, and Democrats see the nation’s rapidly changing  
demography putting ever more states in play—Barack Obama is hoping to _compete 
in 
Arizona_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/16/us/politics/obama-campaign-turns-attention-on-arizona.html)
  this year, to go along with his  map-changing 
North Carolina and Indiana wins in 2008—and eventually ensure the  party’s 
dominance in a more diverse America, as Republicans quite literally die  out.

 _Ruy Teixeira_ 
(http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2011/11/path_to_270.html)  and _others_ 
(http://www.voterparticipation.org/)  have pointed to 
the growing number of voters in key  groups that have tilted Democratic: 
Hispanics, single-member households, and  well-educated millennials. Speaking 
privately at a closed-door Palm Beach  fundraiser Sunday, Mitt Romney said 
that polls showing Obama with a huge lead  among Hispanic voters “spell doom 
for us.”  
 
But, as the fine print says, past results do not guarantee future  
performance—and there are some surprising countervailing factors that could  
upset 
the conventional wisdom of Republican decline.
 
Let’s start with Hispanics. Straight-line projections suggest an  
ever-increasing base, as the Latino population shot up (_PDF_ 
(http://www.census.gov/prod/cen2010/briefs/c2010br-04.pdf) ) from 35 million in 
2000 to more than 
50 million in 2010,  accounting for half of all national population growth 
over the decade. Exit  polls showed Democrats winning the vote in each 
election cycle over that  stretch, with Republicans never gaining more than 40 
percent of the vote. And  the problem is getting worse: a recent _Fox News 
Latino poll_ 
(http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/politics/2012/03/05/gop-hopefuls-losing-ground-to-obama-among-latinos-poll-says/)
  showed Obama trouncing 
Romney, 70–14,  among Hispanic voters—even leading among Latinos who backed 
John McCain in  2008.
 
But longer term, Hispanic population growth is likely to slow or even 
recede,  and Republicans are likely to do better with the group (in part 
because 
it would  be hard to do much worse), as assimilation increases and 
immigration becomes  less volatile an issue.


Rates of Hispanic immigration, particularly from Mexico, _are down_ 
(http://www.newgeography.com/content/002647-america’s-demographic-future)  and 
are 
likely to continue declining. In the 1990s,  2.76 million Mexicans obtained 
legal permanent-resident status. That number fell  by more than a million in 
the 2000s, to 1.7 million, according to the Department  of Homeland 
Security. A key reason, little acknowledged by either nativists or  
multiculturalists, lies in the plummeting birth rate in Mexico, which is  
mirrored in other 
Latin American countries. Mexico’s birth rate has declined  from 6.8 
children per woman in 1970 to about 2 children per woman in  2011.
 
Plummeting birth rates suggest there will be fewer economic migrants from  
south of the border in coming decades. In the 1990s Mexico was adding about 
a  million people annually to its labor force. By 2007 this number declined 
to  about 800,000 annually, and it is projected to drop to 300,000 by  2030.
 
These changes impacted immigration well before the 2008 financial crisis. 
The  number of Mexicans legally coming to the United States plunged from more 
than 1  million in 2006 to just over 400,000 in 2010, in part because of 
the 2008  financial crisis here. Illegal immigration has also been falling. 
Between 2000  and 2004, an estimated 3 million undocumented immigrants entered 
the country;  that number fell by more than two thirds over the next five 
years, to under 1  million between 2005 and 2009.
 
Increasingly, our Latino population—almost one in five Americans between 18 
 and 29—will be made up of people from second- and third-generation 
families.  Between 2000 and 2010, 7.2 million Mexican-Americans were born in 
the 
U.S.,  while just 4.2 million immigrated here.
 
This shift could spur the faster integration of Latinos into mainstream  
society, leaving them less distinct from other groups of voters, like the  
Germans or the Irish, whose ethnicity once seemed politically determinative. A  
solid majority of Latinos, 54 percent, consider themselves white, according 
to  _a  recent Pew study_ 
(http://www.pewhispanic.org/2009/05/28/whos-hispanic/) , while 40 percent do 
not identify with any race. Most  reject the 
umbrella term “Latino.” Equally important, those born here _tend to use 
English as their primary language_ 
(http://www.pewhispanic.org/2007/11/29/english-usage-among-hispanics-in-the-united-states/)
  (while just 23  percent of 
immigrants are fluent in English, that number shoots up to 90 percent  among 
their children).
 
To be sure, most Latinos these days vote Democratic. But they also tend to 
be  somewhat culturally conservative. Almost all are at least nominally 
Christian,  and _roughly one in four_ 
(http://www.nhclc.org/news/latino-religion-us-demographic-shifts-and-trend)  is 
a member of an evangelical church. 
They  also have been moving to the suburbs for the past decade or more—a trend 
that is  of great concern to city-centric Democratic planners.
 
A more integrated, suburban, and predominantly English-speaking Latino  
community _could benefit_ (http://www.city-journal.org/html/17_4_sndgs02.html)  
a GOP (assuming it eschews stridently nativist  platform). After all, it 
wasn’t so long ago that upward of 40 percent of _Latinos voted for the likes 
of George W. Bush_ 
(http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/14713664/ns/politics-national_journal/t/evangelical-hispanics-turning-away-gop/#.T4mvDdVsh8E)
 , who won a 
 majority of Latino Protestants.


More than race, family orientation may prove the real dividing line in  
American politics. Single, never-married women have emerged as _one of the 
groups most devoted to the Democratic party_ 
(http://www.gallup.com/poll/120839/women-likely-democrats-regardless-age.aspx) 
,  trailing only black voters, 
according to Gallup. Some _70 percent of single women voted Democratic in 2008
_ 
(http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/10/21/could-obama-lose-unmarrie_n_1024054.html)
 , including  60 percent of white single women.
 
While the gender gap has been exaggerated, a chasm is emerging between  
traditional families, on the one hand, and singles and nontraditional families  
on the other. Married women, for example, still lean Republican. But 
Democrats  dominate in places like Manhattan, where the majority of households 
are 
_single_ 
(http://www.newgeography.com/content/002670-sex-singles-and-the-presidencym) , 
along with Washington, D.C., San Francisco, and  Seattle.
 
In recent years Republican gains, according to Gallup, have taken place  
primarily among white families. Not surprisingly, Republicans generally do 
best  where the traditional nuclear family is most common, such as in the 
largely  suburban (and fairly affordable) expanses around Houston, Dallas, and 
Salt Lake  City.
 
To be sure, Democrats can take some solace, at least in the short run, from 
 the rise in the number of singletons. Over the past 30 years the 
proportion of  women in their 40s who have never had children has doubled, to 
nearly 
one in  five. Singles now number more than 31 million, up from 27 million in 
2000—a  growth rate nearly twice that of the overall population. And only 
one in five  millennials is married, half that of their parents’ generation.
 
Yet as with Latino immigration, the trend toward singlehood is unlikely to  
continue unabated. Demographic analyst Neil Howe _notes_ 
(http://us4.campaign-archive2.com/?u=2da200dadfadb9b53f9bf07a2&id=2a4059e59f&e=236ccf3904)
  
that living alone has been more pronounced among boomers  (born 46–64) than 
millennials (born after 1980) at similar ages. Assuming  marriage is delayed 
rather than dropped, it remains to be seen if the former  singletons will 
maintain their liberal allegiance.

_Varying birth rates_ 
(http://www.newamerica.net/publications/articles/2006/the_return_of_patriarchy) 
 also suggest that the Democrat-dominated  future 
may be a pipe dream. Since progressives and secularists tend to have  fewer 
children than more religiously oriented voters, who tend to vote  
Republican, the future America will see a greater share of people raised from  
fecund 
groups such as Mormons and Orthodox Jews. Needless to say, there won’t  be 
as many offspring from the hip, urban singles crowd so critical to  
Democratic calculations.
 
And millennials are already more nuanced in their politics than is widely  
appreciated. They favor social progressivism, according to Pew, but not when 
it  contradicts community values. Diversity is largely accepted and 
encouraged, but  lacks the totemic significance assigned to it by boomer 
activists. 
They are  environmentally sensitive but, contrary to new urbanist 
assertions, are more  likely than their boomer parents to _aspire to suburbia_ 
(http://www.newgeography.com/content/001591-twenty-first-century-electorate’
s-heart-suburbs)  as their “ideal place” to live.
 
Some economic trends favor Republicans. Households, for example, are  
increasingly more dependent on _self-employment_ 
(http://www.newgeography.com/content/002314-living-and-working-1099-economy) , 
and the number relying on a 
government job is  dropping as deficits and ballooning pension obligations 
force cuts in government  payrolls. Republicans would do well to focus on 
these predominately suburban,  private-sector-dependent families.
 
All this suggests that if they can achieve sentience, Republicans could 
still  compete in a changing America continues changing. But first the party 
must move  away from the hard-core _nativist,  authoritarian conservatism_ 
(http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2012/03/16/rick-santorum-s-ugly-appeal-to
-rural-voters.html)  so evident in the primaries. Rather than looking  
backward to the 1950s, the GOP needs to reinvent itself as the party of  
contemporary families, including minority, mixed-race, gay, and blended  ones

-- 
Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
<[email protected]>
Google Group: http://groups.google.com/group/RadicalCentrism
Radical Centrism website and blog: http://RadicalCentrism.org

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