Excellent article  --except for the last two paragraphs.
Those paragraphs reflect nothing so much as the pervasiveness
of the Leftist narrative that, when all is said, all religions have
a common moral core  This proposition is demonstrably false
for some religions. It is true enough for most religions
but most is not all, and why it is so difficult to fathom
the difference is easy enough to identify.  The reason
for such error is simple ignorance, unwillingness of
modern, "with it," preoccupied-with-money,
secular men and women to bother with
something that they almost universally regard
as obsolete and not worth much of anything.
 
But about those final paragraphs and the claim that Islam,
beneath todays' rough surface, is amenable to reform,
OK, where is the evidence ?  Sorry, but  outside of
exceptional cases,  like small minorities living within
Western democracies who cannot take traditional stands
because of possible repercussions,  there is 
no " reformed Islam. "  Nor has there ever been.
 
Yes, obviously I am well aware of al-Andalus under the Fatimids,
a heretical Muslim sect that all orthodox Moslems regard as anathema,
and Akhbar's also heretical reforms in India 500 years ago,
and also aware of the heretical Sufis, but this is my point.
There are no reforms of Islam that are not heretical.
 
So the question remains,  where is the evidence that reform
is  possible  in Islam ?
 
Billy
 
=====================================
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
London  Telegraph
 
Christians persecuted throughout the world 
The latest bombing in Nigeria shows how Christians are  increasingly 
suffering for their faith – and how their plight is being  ignored 

 
By Rupert Shortt 
8:38PM GMT 29 Oct 2012 
_735 Comments_ 
(http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/religion/9640825/Christians-persecuted-throughout-the-world.html#disqus_thread)
   

 
 
Imagine the unspeakable fury that would erupt across the Islamic world if a 
 Christian-led government in Khartoum had been responsible for the deaths 
of  hundreds of thousands of Sudanese Muslims over the past 30 years. Or if  
Christian gunmen were firebombing mosques in Iraq during Friday prayers. Or 
if  Muslim girls in Indonesia had been abducted and beheaded on their way to 
school,  because of their faith. 
 
Such horrors are barely thinkable, of course. But they have all occurred in 
 reverse, with Christians falling victim to Islamist aggression. Only two 
days  ago, a suicide bomber crashed a jeep laden with explosives into a 
packed  Catholic church in Kaduna, northern Nigeria, killing at least eight 
people and  injuring more than 100. The tragedy bore the imprint of numerous 
similar attacks  by Boko Haram (which roughly translates as “Western education 
is sinful”), an  exceptionally bloodthirsty militant group. 
 
Other notable trouble spots include Egypt, where 600,000 Copts – more than  
the entire population of Manchester – have emigrated since the 1980s in the 
face  of harassment or outright oppression. 
 
Why is such a huge scourge chronically under-reported in the West? One 
result  of this oversight is that the often inflated sense of victimhood felt 
by 
many  Muslims has festered unchallenged. Take the fallout of last month’s 
protests  around the world against the American film about the Prophet 
Mohammed. While  most of the debate centred on the rule of law and the limits 
of 
free speech,  almost nothing was said about how much more routinely Islamists 
insult  Christians, almost always getting away with their provocations 
scot-free. 
 
Innocence of Muslims, the production that spurred all the outrage, has been 
 rightly dismissed as contemptible trash. What, though, of a website such 
as  “Guardians of the Faith”, run by Salafist extremists in Cairo? Among 
many posts,  it has carried an article entitled “Why Muslims are superior to 
Copts”. “Being a  Muslim girl whose role models are the wives of the Prophet, 
who were required to  wear the hijab, is better than being a Christian 
girl, whose role models are  whores,” it declares. “Being a Muslim who fights 
to defend his honour and his  faith is better than being a Christian who 
steals, rapes, and kills children.”  Hateful messages breed hateful acts. Is it 
any surprise that mobs have set fire  to one church after another across 
Egypt in recent years?  

 
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The deeper truth masked by all the ranting – and, it should be added, by 
the  blinkers of many Western secularists – is that Christians are targeted in 
 greater numbers than any other faith group on earth. About 200 million 
church  members (10 per cent of the global total) face discrimination or 
persecution: it  just isn’t fashionable to say so. In 2010, I set out to write 
a 
chronicle of  anti-Christian persecution on several continents. Published in 
my book,  Christianophobia, the results of my research are even more 
disquieting than I  expected.  
Abu Hamza, the 7/7 ringleader Mohammad Sidique Khan and other totemic 
figures  were allowed to practise their religion openly in Britain, yet there 
is 
scarcely  a single country from Morocco to Pakistan in which Christians are 
fully free to  worship without restriction. Muslims who convert to 
Christianity or other faiths  in most of these societies face harsh penalties. 
There 
is now a high risk that  the Churches will all but vanish from their 
biblical heartlands in the Middle  East.  
The suffering is no less acute elsewhere. Before East Timor gained  
independence from Indonesia, 100,000 Catholic non-combatants were killed by  
agents 
of the Suharto government between the 1970s and the 1990s. And a few  
months ago, the Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia, Sheikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah,  
officially announced that “it is necessary to destroy all the churches” on the 
 Arabian Peninsula.  
One reason why Western audiences hear so little about faith-based  
victimisation in the Muslim world is straightforward: young Christians in 
Europe  
and America do not become “radicalised”, and persecuted Christians tend not 
to  respond with terrorist violence. This forbearance should of course be a 
source  of pride in many respects, and would be an unqualified good if 
properly  acknowledged. But it counts for much less in a climate where most of 
what is  considered newsworthy has to involve tub-thumping or outright 
violence.  
The problems faced by Christians are not by any means restricted to the  
Muslim world. Take India, where minorities – Muslims included – are menaced 
by  Hindu extremists who consider the monotheistic traditions to be unwelcome 
 imports, and resent Christian opposition to the caste system.  
Between August and October of 2008, Hindu hardliners in the eastern state 
of  Orissa murdered at least 90 people, displaced 50,000, and attacked 170 
churches  and chapels. This disaster was not unexceptional. The past four 
years have seen  scores of assaults on churches and congregations in other 
parts 
of the country.  
Elsewhere, the culprits include not only Communists, but also Buddhist  
nationalists in countries such as Burma and Sri Lanka. The scale of Communist  
intolerance is a matter of record. Curbs on freedom of worship in countries  
including China, Vietnam and Cuba are draconian and sometimes exceptionally 
 sadistic.  
Why does all this matter? One obvious answer is that faith isn’t going to 
go  away. Whatever one’s view of the coherence of religious belief, it has 
become  clear that secularisation has gone into reverse, partly through the 
spread of  democracy. Three quarters of humanity now profess a religious 
creed; this figure  is predicted to reach 80 per cent by mid-century.  
The prospect should not surprise us. Atheism feeds off bad religion,  
especially fundamentalism, whose easily disposable, dogmatic certainties now  
form one of atheism’s main assets. On the other hand, it is much harder for  
non-belief to replace the imaginative richness of a mature religious 
commitment,  and the corresponding assurance that life is worth living 
responsibly, 
because  it has ultimate meaning.  
But faith is like fire, to cite an analogy used by the Chief Rabbi, 
Jonathan  Sacks. It warms; but it can also burn. Along or near the 10th 
parallel 
north of  the equator, between Nigeria and Indonesia and the Philippines, 
religious  fervour and political unrest are reinforcing each other. This point 
should be  granted even if one accepts religion’s status as an immense – 
perhaps the  preeminent – source of social capital in existence.  
On the positive side, faith-based conviction has mobilised millions to 
oppose  authoritarian regimes, inaugurate democratic transitions, support human 
rights  and relieve human suffering. In the 20th century, religious 
movements helped end  colonial rule and usher in democracy in Latin America, 
Eastern 
Europe,  sub-Saharan Africa and Asia.  
The challenge, then, at once simple and substantial, is to promote the  
peaceful messages at the heart of the world’s major faiths, while neutralising  
perversions of the core teachings.  
Nothing I have said should be interpreted as encouraging a holier-than-thou 
 attitude among Christians. Large parts of the Christian world were 
saturated  with unsurpassed violence 70 or 100 years ago; and a British man, 
Thomas 
 Aikenhead, was executed for blasphemy as recently as the turn of the 18th  
century. Innocence of Muslims was produced by a convicted criminal with a 
Coptic  background.  
Exceptions aside, however, Christians generally have become more tolerant 
and  self-critical over the past half-century, reminting crucial aspects of 
Jesus’s  message in the process. (For instance, it is worth noting that Pope 
John Paul II  and the leaders of almost all other major Churches were 
vehemently opposed to  the Iraq war.)  
Given Christianity’s evolution, there are grounds for thinking that Islam 
may  change, too. Points of contact between the two traditions are at least 
as  significant as the differences. When they are true to their guiding 
principles,  both faiths insist on the sanctity of the person as a seeker of 
God. 
>From this  should follow a recognition of religious liberty as the first of 
human rights.  Self-interest need not be erased from an apparently 
high-minded equation.  Freedom of belief is the canary in the coalmine for 
liberty 
in general, and thus  for the flourishing of a society.  
It is vital to pursue these medium- and longer-term ambitions. They are  
critical to world peace. But promoting inter-faith ties should not displace  
attempts to tell the truth about the current plight of Christians – and to 
take  action against a major injustice.  
Rupert Shortt is the author of 'Christianophobia: A Faith Under  Attack’, 
published by Rider 


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