Der Spiegel
 
Spiegel Online
 
 
10/31/2012 31.10.2012  
Nervous on the Nile Minorities Fear End of Secularism in  Egypt
By _Daniel Steinvorth_ (mailto:[email protected])  and Volkhard  
Windfuhr
 
When he took office as Egypt's new president in June, Mohammed  Morsi 
pledged to follow a pluralist policy that respected the rights of women  and 
non-Muslim minorities. But everything he has done since then indicates that  he 
intends to replace the secularist dictatorship of his predecessor with an  
Islamist one.
 
Egypt's president sat cross-legged on a green rug with his eyes closed and  
hands raised in prayer. His lips moved as Futouh Abd al-Nabi Mansour, an  
influential Egyptian cleric, intoned: "Oh Allah, absolve us of our sins,  
strengthen us and grant us victory over the infidels. Oh Allah, destroy the 
Jews  and their supporters. Oh Allah, disperse them, rend them asunder." 
 
This was a Friday prayer service held in the western Egyptian port city of  
Marsa Matrouh on October 19. The words of this closing prayer, taken from a 
 collection of sayings attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, seemed quite 
familiar  to Mohammed Morsi, Egypt's new president. A video clip obtained by 
the US-based  Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) shows Morsi 
murmuring the word  "amen" as this pious request for the dispersal of the Jews 
is 
uttered.  
The Muslim Brotherhood, which backs Morsi, has since removed a note  
concerning the president's visit to Marsa Matrouh from its website, and the  
daily 
newspaper al-Ahram has reported that the president must have been  "very 
embarrassed" over the matter. Are such statements enough to dispel the  
incident? 
Fighting to Keep Church and State Apart 
Morsi has been in power for four months. In June, with the backing of the  
Muslim Brotherhood, Morsi won a narrow victory over a representative of the  
country's former regime. Many voters supported Morsi only out of fear of a  
return to the days of dictatorship. But the new president has remained an 
enigma  to his people. Who is this man with an American Ph.D. in engineering, 
who  sometimes presents himself as a democrat and a peacemaker and 
sometimes as a  hard-line Islamist? 
The tasks facing Egypt's first freely elected president remain unresolved.  
Indeed, these are immense economic and social problems that can't simply be 
 waved away. At the same time, precisely the thing that secularists, 
leftists and  Christians have long feared is coming true: Egypt is growing ever 
more  religious. 
For the last three weeks, the activists who previously protested against 
the  country's military council and the old regime of Hosni Mubarak have once 
again  been gathering regularly on Cairo's Tahrir Square. Their new opponent 
is the  Muslim Brotherhood, which the demonstrators believe is in the 
process of  establishing a new dictatorship -- but an Islamist one. 
The protests are primarily directed against the Islamists' attempts to push 
a  religious constitution on the country. A constitutional council convened 
by  Egypt's parliament has suggested redefining the roles of church and 
state, with  the "rules of Sharia" becoming the basis for the country's laws. 
This would also  entail re-examining and renegotiating the issue of equality 
between men and  women. 
The committee is dominated by members of the Muslim Brotherhood and by  
Salafists; the secularists and Christians who once sat on it abandoned it in  
protest. "Laws like these will land us in the Middle Ages," says Ahmed 
al-Buraï,  a lawyer who stepped down from the committee. "This would be the end 
of 
our  200-year-old civil state." 
Broken Promises 
On October 12, when Morsi's detractors took to Tahrir Square for the first  
time, buses of Muslim Brotherhood supporters arrived, as well. These 
bearded men  set one of the secularists' platforms on fire, threw stones at 
their 
opponents  and shouted: "We love you, oh Morsi." More than 150 people were 
injured. 
One Muslim Brotherhood spokesman later claimed that those who committed the 
 violence were not organization members. Instead, he said they were 
so-called  baltagiya, or groups of thugs hired by "dark forces" trying once 
again 
to  drag the Brotherhood's name through the mud. Yet bloggers have proved 
that the  Islamists had long-established plans to sabotage the event. 
Images of protests against the president don't look very good on 
television,  especially not when they are held on the very square that has 
become the 
global  symbol of the Arab Spring. But although the atmosphere in Egypt is 
tense, Morsi  is doing little to connect with his critics. After his 
electoral victory, he  promised to be the president of "all Egyptians." He even 
announced his intention  to leave the Muslim Brotherhood so as to be able to 
perform his role neutrally  as well as his plan to install women and 
representatives of the country's Coptic  Christian minority in high government 
positions. So far, nothing has come of  those promises. 
"He has yet to internalize the idea that the existence of an opposition is 
an  important instrument of democracy," says Amr Hamzawy, a Cairo-based 
political  scientist. "He's well on his way to creating a single-party system, 
just as it  was under Mubarak." 
The 'Ikhwanization' of Egypt 
Egypt's critical newspapers call this trend "ikhwanization," with "ikhwan"  
meaning "brothers." The process has seen the president and the Muslim  
Brotherhood bringing all state-run institutions under their control within a  
short period of time. This includes state-owned media, where critical  
editors-in-chief have been replaced with Morsi supporters. 
The "Holy Koran," a state-run radio service that has traditionally been  
moderate in terms of religion, has also become "ikhwanized." It has declared  
that so-called liberals are nothing more than immoral heretics who have 
"fallen"  from Islam and are bent on the single goal of destroying society, and 
it has  asserted that only the president can lead the country to "true 
Islam." 
In some parts of the country, Egyptians seem to be trying to outdo one  
another in their displays of piety. A teacher in the Luxor governorate, in  
southern Egypt, recently cut off the hair of two 12-year-old students after the 
 girls refused to wear headscarves. The incidents sparked protests, and the 
 teacher was transferred to another school. 
When a Coptic Christian tried to order a beer in a suburb of Cairo last 
week,  the waiter reacted violently. The government plans to massively restrict 
the  consumption of alcohol, a move whose effects will also be felt by 
members of the  country's Christian minority. Especially in Upper Egypt and in 
Alexandria, where  religious tensions already existed under Hosni Mubarak, 
thousands of Christians  are believed to have applied for visas for the United 
States and European  countries. 
The Men Behind the President 
What has become of Morsi's promise to be an impartial president? "The  
boundaries between the office of the president and the leadership of the Muslim 
 
Brotherhood aren't defined," says Hamzawy, the political scientist, in an  
understated way. 
Many Egyptians believe Morsi is still taking his cues from two men in  
particular. One is Mohammed Badie, a 69-year-old professor of veterinary 
science 
 and the man to whom all members of the movement swear lifelong loyalty as 
the  Brotherhood's "supreme guide." 
The other, Khairat el-Shater, was initially the Muslim Brotherhood's  
presidential candidate, but he was disqualified before the election on account  
of having once been imprisoned for money-laundering -- although this was  
admittedly under Mubarak, who used his justice system to sideline political  
opponents. Shater, a millionaire with good connections to the Gulf states, is  
considered an important financial backer of the Muslim Brotherhood and is  
believed to have been Morsi's direct superior within the organization. 

Shater has considerably expanded his empire of  supermarket chains and 
textile and furnishings shops in the new Egypt. Likewise,  he's viewed as a 
model businessman among the Muslim Brotherhood, which has so  far continued 
Mubarak's neoliberal economic policies. It's an approach meant to  win the 
trust 
of the foreign investors that Egypt so desperately needs.  
Mubarak left his successor a country deeply in debt, where millions of 
people  are unemployed and a quarter of the population lives below the poverty 
line. For  years, salaries were constantly kept low and unions were 
suppressed. 
Keeping Egypt from national bankruptcy will eventually require unpopular  
decisions, such as cuts to gas and bread subsidies. But, so far, Morsi has  
decided to wait it out. The only area where he has been active is a different 
 one entirely: In a television address last week, Morsi announced a new 
religious  campaign that will see an army of preachers fan out through the 
country  "spreading the true word among the people." It's a re-education 
measure 
that may  yet help to dislodge Western ideas from people's heads -- such as 
the absurd  belief that religion is a private matter.

-- 
Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
<[email protected]>
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