For what it is worth, I remember the era when this transition began.
I first became aware of  the change of position when visiting  Georgia
during the Carter era. Until that time the subject of abortion
was only rarely discussed in any of the churches I had ever
attended. To the extent that the subject ever came up
it was regarded as exclusively a Catholic issue.
 
For your information
Billy
 
 
 
 
_My Take: When evangelicals were  pro-choice_ 
(http://religion.blogs.cnn.com/2012/10/30/my-take-when-evangelicals-were-pro-choice/)
 
 
October 30th, 2012  
05:54 PM ET

 
Editor's Note: Jonathan Dudley is the author of  "_Broken Words: The Abuse 
of Science and Faith in American  Politics_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/Broken-Words-Science-American-Politics/dp/0385525265/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1308259034
&sr=8-1) ."  
By Jonathan Dudley, Special to CNN 
Over the course of the 2012 election season, evangelical politicians have 
put  their community’s hard-line opposition to abortion on dramatic display. 
Missouri Rep. Todd Atkin claimed “legitimate rape” doesn’t result in  
pregnancy. Indiana Senate candidate Richard Mourdock insisted that “even when  
life begins in that horrible situation of rape, that it is something that God 
 intended to happen.” 
While these statements have understandably provoked outrage, they’ve also  
reinforced a false assumption, shared by liberals and conservatives alike: 
that  uncompromising opposition to abortion is a timeless feature of 
evangelical  Christianity. 
The reality is that what conservative Christians  now say is the Bible’s 
clear teaching on the matter was not a widespread  interpretation until the 
late 20th century. 
In 1968, Christianity Today published a special issue on contraception and  
abortion, encapsulating the consensus among evangelical thinkers at the 
time. In  the leading article, professor Bruce Waltke, of the famously 
conservative Dallas  Theological Seminary, explained the Bible plainly teaches 
that 
life begins at  birth: 
“God does not regard the fetus as a soul, no matter how far gestation has  
progressed. The Law plainly exacts: 'If a man kills any human life he will 
be  put to death' (Lev. 24:17). But according to Exodus 21:22–24, the destruct
ion of  the fetus is not a capital offense… Clearly, then, in contrast to 
the mother,  the fetus is not reckoned as a soul.” 
The magazine Christian Life agreed, insisting, “The Bible definitely  
pinpoints a difference in the value of a fetus and an adult.” And the Southern  
Baptist Convention passed a 1971 resolution affirming abortion should be 
legal  not only to protect the life of the mother, but to protect her emotional 
health  as well. 
These stalwart evangelical institutions and leaders would be heretics by  
today’s standards. Yet their positions were mainstream at the time, widely  
believed by born-again Christians to flow from the unambiguous teaching of  
Scripture. 
Televangelist Jerry Falwell spearheaded the reversal of opinion on abortion 
 in the late 1970s, leading his Moral Majority activist group into close  
political alliance with Catholic organizations against the sexual  
revolution. 
In contrast to evangelicals, Catholics had mobilized against abortion  
immediately after Roe v. Wade. Drawing on mid-19th century Church doctrines,  
organizations like the National Right to Life Committee insisted a right to 
life  exists from the moment of conception. 
As evangelical leaders formed common cause with Catholics on topics like  
feminism and homosexuality, they began re-interpreting the Bible as teaching 
the  Roman Catholic position on abortion. 
Falwell’s first major treatment of the issue, in a 1980 book chapter 
called,  significantly, “The Right to Life,” declared, “The Bible clearly 
states 
that  life begins at conception… (Abortion) is murder according to the Word 
of  God.” 
With the megawatt power of his TV presence and mailing list, Falwell and 
his  allies disseminated these interpretations to evangelicals across America. 
By 1984, it became clear these efforts had worked. That year, InterVarsity  
Press published the book Brave New People, which re-stated the 1970 
evangelical  consensus: abortion was a tough issue and warranted in many 
circumstances. 
An avalanche of protests met the publication, forcing InterVarsity Press to 
 withdraw a book for the first time in its history. 
“The heresy of which I appear to be guilty,” the author lamented, “is that 
I  cannot state categorically that human/personal life commences at day one 
of  gestation.... In order to be labeled an evangelical, it is now 
essential to hold  a particular view of the status of the embryo and fetus.” 
What the author quickly realized was that the “biblical view on abortion” 
had  dramatically shifted over the course of a mere 15 years, from clearly 
stating  life begins at birth to just as clearly teaching it begins at 
conception. 
During the 2008 presidential election, Purpose Driven Life author Rick 
Warren  demonstrated the depth of this shift when he proclaimed: “The reason I 
believe  life begins at conception is ‘cause the Bible says it.” 
It is hard to underestimate the political significance of this reversal. It 
 has required the GOP presidential nominee to switch his views from 
pro-choice to  pro-life to be a viable candidate. It has led conservative 
Christians to vote  for politicians like Atkin and Mourdock for an entire 
generation. 
And on November 6, it will lead millions of evangelicals to support Mitt  
Romney over Barack Obama out of the conviction that the Bible unequivocally  
forbids abortion. 
But before casting their ballots, such evangelicals would benefit from  
pausing to look back at their own history. In doing so, they might consider the 
 possibility that they aren’t submitting to the dictates of a timeless 
biblical  truth, but instead, to the goals of a well-organized political 
initiative only a  little more than 30 years old.

-- 
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