Why Republicans should watch  their language
 
 
By Frank Luntz,  
Jan  11, 2013 07:02 PM ESTThe Washington Post  
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/why-republicans-should-watch-their-language/2013/01/11/0f6f41fa-5
6ce-11e2-bf3e-76c0a789346f_story.html?hpid=z2#license-0f6f41fa-56ce-11e2-bf3
e-76c0a789346f) Friday, January 11,  2013
 
 
 
 
 
Frank Luntz, a pollster, is the author of _“Win: The Key Principles to Take 
Your Business From Ordinary  to Extraordinary.”_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1401323995?ie=UTF8&tag=washpost-opinions-20&linkCode=xm2&camp=1789&cr
eativeASIN=1401323995)  

This coming week, House Republicans will gather  in Williamsburg, Va., to 
discuss _what went wrong in 2012_ 
(http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2012-11-09/opinions/35504587_1_gay-marriage-marriage-issue-gop-leadership)
 . I’ve 
attended more than a dozen  such congressional retreats since 1993, and I can 
already imagine how the  conversations will go. Someone will undoubtedly 
come to the microphone to  declare that what the GOP needs is a better brand, 
missing the essential point  that candidates and political parties are about 
reputation, trust and ideas. You  can’t sell them like soap or detergent. 
But what you say in defense of those ideas matters, and what people hear  
matters even more.
 
 
Congressional Republicans are currently defined as nothing more than  
opponents of the president and friends of the powerful. This isn’t my opinion — 
 
it’s America’s opinion. My polling firm asked voters nationwide on 
election  night to identify who or what the GOP was fighting for. Twice as many 
said “the  wealthy” and “big business” than “hardworking taxpayers” or “
small  business.” 
Their image is even worse today. The congressional Republicans’ message  
during the “fiscal cliff” debate last month was confused and chaotic. _The 
debt-ceiling vote next month_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2012/11/27/the-dangerous-fiscal-deadline-isnt-dec-31-its-february-2013/)
  
and the budget debate  after that promise more of the same — unless House and 
Senate Republicans stop  bickering and start coordinating and talking 
differently. 
Just saying “no” to the president has its limits. House Republicans, since 
 they have a megaphone that Senate Republicans don’t , will  continue to be 
diminished until they start defining and stop being  defined.  
Talk is cheap, of course, but bad language is costly. While the new GOP 
House  majority is the second-largest since World War II, more people cast 
votes for  Democratic House candidates than for Republican candidates. On the 
Senate side,  the Democratic advantage was even larger. The GOP paid a price 
for its  out-of-touch language in November and could pay again in 2014, just 
as it did in  2006, unless the party changes course. 
Changing course starts with a values-based approach, and that means talking 
 to Americans about accountability, personal responsibility and freedom — 
and  linking those values to GOP policies. For example, in 1994, 
congressional  Republican candidates developed the Contract With America to 
announce “a  
detailed agenda for national renewal, a written commitment with no fine 
print  . . . to make us all proud again of the way free people govern 
themselves.”  
It was a response to voters who were fed up with politicians who said one  
thing in their districts and then voted differently in Washington. In 2013,  
House Republicans need a similar tone that starts with the value of 
listening,  not speaking. When people feel they’re heard and understood, 
they’ll 
listen. 
The next step is to be more empathetic. Voters will not give you a chance 
to  solve their problems if they think you don’t understand them, especially 
at a  time when Americans feel no one is fighting for them. For example, 
among 2012  voters who wanted their president to “care about people like me,” 
President  Obama crushed Mitt Romney 81 percent to 18 percent. In part, that’
s because the  president’s rhetoric is always couched in the language of 
fairness and justice.  He asks the “wealthiest 2 percent” to “pay their fair 
share” — without defining  what “fair share” means. He doesn’t have to; 
voters ascribe their own  definitions.

-- 
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