The Christian Century
 
 
 
The Vietnamese diaspora
Jan  16, 2013 by _Philip  Jenkins_ 
(http://www.christiancentury.org/contributor/philip-jenkins) 
 
Historians argue at length about when the Vietnam War began—or the U.S. 
role  in it—but an excellent claim can be made for 1963. In that year, global 
media  were transfixed by the horrible image of a Buddhist monk burning 
himself alive  in protest against the regime of Ngo Dinh Diem, the president of 
South Vietnam,  who later that same year was assassinated. This crisis, just 
50 years ago, set  the stage for direct U.S. military intervention. 
Of the making of books about Vietnam there is no end, and the response of  
religious communities in the United States to the war has been amply 
documented.  What gets lost in popular memory is how religious battles within 
Vietnam itself  shaped political attitudes and arguably doomed the 
anticommunist 
cause. 
Such amnesia is scarcely surprising. In the 1960s, few people paid 
attention  to religion as a political factor. But without understanding the 
role of  
religion, and particularly of Catholic Christianity, we miss much of the 
story  of those dreadful years. In its origins, the Vietnam War resembled the 
later  civil-religious strife in Lebanon. 
Although Southeast Asia is traditionally Buddhist, a potent Catholic 
presence  dates back at least to the Jesuit missions of the 16th century. 
Through 
much of  the 19th century, Buddhists and Catholics fought and intrigued 
against each  other, provoking bloody wars and persecutions. 
Catholicism grew in numbers and influence with the establishment of the  
French empire in Indochina. The faith appealed particularly to those who were  
influential and Westernized. The Catholic presence received a massive 
setback  with the establishment of communist rule in the north of Vietnam after 
1954,  setting off the first of successive exiles. Buttressed by these new 
arrivals,  the anticommunist regime in the south became aggressively Catholic. 
Ngo Dinh  Diem’s ultraconservative brother was the Archbishop of Hue. 
Although Christians made up just 15 percent of the population, the regime  
gave Catholicism something like established status, dedicating the country 
to  the Virgin Mary in 1959. The government exempted Catholic villages from 
official  burdens, directed external aid toward Catholics and placed heavy 
restrictions on  Buddhist activities. Rowdy Catholic militias demolished 
Buddhist temples. When  Buddhist protests erupted, government forces responded 
ferociously. When  Buddhist monk Thich Quang Duc immolated himself in 1963, it 
was not a generic  protest against dictatorship or human rights abuses but 
a specific call to end  religious persecution. 
When communist agents called on Buddhist peasants to rise against Catholic  
landlords and the regime in South Vietnam, they were preaching to those 
already  half converted. At that stage, they needed say little about Marxism or 
 nationalism. 
The communist victory in 1975 was a disaster for the Catholic Church as 
much  as for the Western cause. Catholic leaders were killed, exiled or 
imprisoned,  and the new regime was stridently antireligious. 
Vietnam was in the news again last year when the U.S. State Department  
offered a lengthy catalogue of how religious freedoms have been abused and  
religious people persecuted, part of explaining the country’s designation as a  
“country of particular concern” under the International Religious Freedom  
Act. 
Vietnam’s regime is a variant of the Chinese model. It demands that all  
religious bodies register with the state or risk heavy penalties. The 
communists  target Catholic human rights activists and restrict church 
activities. 
Newer  Protestant and Pentecostal churches are a particular source of 
tension, as they  are mainly concentrated among ethnic minorities, the 
Montagnards 
and Hmong, and  the paranoid regime dreads the slightest hint of subversion 
of separatism. 
One response to the religious situation in Vietnam is amazement that  
Christian churches are healthy enough to be perceived as threatening. Vietnam  
today has perhaps 8 million Christians, constituting 8 to 9 percent of the  
population, with a heavy predominance of Catholics. 
Catholic structures have maintained themselves very well, to the point of  
inaugurating new dioceses and opening new seminaries. The country has about 
a  million Protestants. We can only speculate how these numbers would grow 
if the  regime lifted its heavy hand. 
Another religious consequence of the war was the Vietnamese diaspora.  
Worldwide, some three and a half million people claim Vietnamese origins. More  
than half of these live in the United States, with other large groups in 
France  and Australia. Christians make up over a third of these exile 
communities. Among  Catholics, overseas Vietnamese are highly visible for their 
loyalty to the  church. They are much in evidence in Catholic seminaries in 
North 
America and  Europe and consequently are heavily represented among younger 
priests. 
In coming decades, white Western Catholics are very likely to encounter 
these  heirs of this rich—and thoroughly Asian—Christian  tradition.

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