Wow, it is impressive to see Arrow's theorem (and Arrow himself) actually 
important in an ancient a process as this one.  


I'd always considered voting cycles more of a mathematical concern than a 
practical one. Maybe I need to suggest they implement Maximum Majority Voting….

-- Ernie P.

On Feb 11, 2013, at 10:55 AM, [email protected] wrote:

>  
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> W Post
> The political science of papal elections
> 
> Posted by Dylan Matthews on February 11, 2013
> 
>  
> Pope Benedict XVI — né Joseph Ratzinger — has announced that he will step 
> down at the end of this month. In doing so, he becomes the first pope to 
> resign in 598 years. The last resignation, in 1415, occurred when Gregory XII 
> stepped down to end the Western Schism in the Catholic Church, in which rival 
> popes and antipopes, each recognized by a different set of secular 
> governments in Europe, claimed sovereignty over the church.
> 
> Which is to say that this is a pretty strange occurrence. But, as with normal 
> papal successions, it will prompt the vote of the College of Cardinals, a 
> group of up to 120 church leaders (current estimates put the number around 
> 118) below the age limit of 80 who convene to elect new popes. Exactly how 
> that process works, however, changes frequently, and indeed has changed since 
> the election that elevated Benedict in 2005.
> 
> NYU political scientist Joshua Tucker and PM at Duck of Minerva have compiled 
> a good set of political science research into papal elections. It’s a 
> sensitive subject because, as GWU professors Forrest Maltzman, Melissa 
> Schwartzberg and the late Lee Sigelman put it in their paper on Benedict’s 
> election, “Officially, Ratzinger’s selection was attributed to the will of 
> God, a force not amenable to any empirical test that is in our power to 
> conduct.”
> 
> But unofficially, Benedict was selected in accordance with the wishes of his 
> predecessor, John Paul II. For most of John Paul’s tenure, papal elections 
> were subject to a supermajority requirement, with a two-thirds majority 
> required to finalize a selection. As Maltzman et al show, by the middle of 
> 1990 John Paul had already appointed two-thirds of voting cardinals. Assuming 
> his appointees all agreed on a candidate, they could have outvoted any 
> previous appointees from 1990 until John Paul’s death in 2005 and installed a 
> candidate along John Paul’s preferred lines:
> 
> 
> Source: Maltzman, Schwartzberg, and Sigelman.
> 
> But as the above chart shows, a funny thing happened in 1996. John Paul II 
> issued Universi Dominici Gregis, a document revising the two-thirds 
> requirement. In filibuster parlance, he went nuclear. As the authors note, 
> the timing here is funny. He already had a supermajority of appointees in the 
> college. This seems to refute the notion that the change was intended to help 
> secure a future pope who would continue John Paul-like policies.
> 
> Instead, they argue, what drove revision was a desire to prevent gridlock. 
> There were three likely candidates for pope in 2005 (according to these 
> authors; others disagree). There was Benedict (then Ratzinger), a Vatican 
> insider with a reputation as a doctrinaire conservative. There was Carlo 
> Maria Martini, a quite  liberal Italian cardinal and former archbishop of 
> Milan who died last year and supported same-sex civil unions, a right of the 
> dying to refuse medical treatment and the distribution of condoms as a 
> “lesser evil” to AIDS transmission. And there was Jorge Mario Bergoglio, the 
> archbishop of Buenos Aires, who earned support from cardinals in the 
> developing world and holds fairly mainline Catholic views. Not only did no 
> block have a clear majority, but a “voting paradox” was at work:
> 
> 
> Source: Maltzman, Schwartzberg, and Sigelman.
> 
> To see what’s going wrong here, suppose you’re in the Martini bloc. Getting 
> either the Ratzinger bloc or the Bergoglio bloc on your side would put you 
> over a two-thirds majority. You prefer Bergoglio to Ratzinger, so you go to 
> Bergoglio first. But he prefers Ratzinger to you, so he turns you down. You 
> could go to Ratzinger, but you really don’t want to make concessions to that 
> faction. And Ratzinger and Bergoglio can’t put together a two-thirds majority 
> between them, and even if they could, Ratzinger doesn’t like Bergoglio as 
> much as he likes Martini. Everything’s deadlocked. A majority election 
> wouldn’t eliminate the possibility of deadlock, but it would make it much 
> less likely.
> 
> Maltzman et al hypothesized that even if John Paul II hadn’t noticed this 
> potential problem, he likely was talking to someone who had. In 1994, they 
> note, John Paul appointed the Pontifical Academy of Social Science, meant to 
> provide the church with advice from political scientists, sociologists and 
> economists of note. One of the original appointees was Kenneth Arrow, the 
> Nobel-winning economist whose most famous work concerns voting paradoxes. His 
> Arrow impossibility theorem proved that it is impossible to take the ranked 
> preferences of a group of voters and turn them into a societal ranking that 
> conforms with certain basic rational and fairness requirements (for example, 
> one requirement is that one person ranking an option higher shouldn’t hurt 
> its societal ranking). The relevance of that work to the Pope’s dilemma 
> should be clear enough.
> 
> Regardless of whether the political scientists’ history is right and Arrow’s 
> views really did push the cardinal election process in this direction, their 
> point is important for this next papal election because Benedict has reversed 
> John Paul II’s repeal of the two-thirds requirement, the very repeal that 
> enabled Benedict to be elected in the first place. In the past, this has led 
> to compromise selections like, well, John Paul II, but if a voting paradox 
> arises, the church could be in for considerable gridlock.
> 
> 
> -- 
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