Nice dissection of common myths and simplistic solutions, though I worry 
whether his solution is also too simplistic. 

http://www.forbes.com/sites/stevedenning/2013/03/21/is-jpmorgan-too-big-complex-to-manage/

E

Radical Management
Is JPMorgan Too Big And Complex To Manage?
A theory… may satisfy the politicians’ need for a villain or scapegoat, but 
such a theory offers no useful guide to the solution to the problem.

Hyman Minsky (1986)

JPMorgan Chase [JPM] has been in the news recently, and not in a good way.

We learned this week that in July 2012, the Office of the Comptroller of the 
Currency (OCC) downgraded JPMorgan’s management performance from “satisfactory” 
to “needing improvement”. To put that news in context, the OCC rating, “needs 
improvement”, was the rating given during the financial crisis in 2008 and 2009 
to Citigroup[C] and Bank of America [BAC]. At that time, many inside observers 
considered those two banks to have been insolvent.
Last week, the Federal Reserve announced that it found weaknesses in the 
capital-management plan that JPMorgan had submitted for this year’s stress 
tests and was requiring the firm (along with Goldman Sachs [GS]) to resubmit 
later this year.
And also last week, the Senate released its report on the “London Whale” 
debacle in which the unit supposed to be protecting the bank against trading 
risk (whose daily “value at risk” was $67 million) ballooned to a loss of more 
than $6 billion. The report found that “risk limits created by the bank to 
protect itself were exceeded routinely” and “bank executives misled investors 
and the public.”
JPMorgan has said that it is working on “fixes”. But is the problem deeper? Is 
JPMorgan simply too big and complex to manage? Are all the big US banks to big 
and complex to manage? What should be done?

Light on these issues is shed by an interesting report from the Milken 
Institute, “Breaking (Banks} Up Is Hard To Do: New Perspective On Too Big To 
Fail”. The authors are James R. Barth and Apanard (Penny) Prabha.  Professor 
Barth is among other things the Lowder Eminent Scholar in Finance at Auburn 
University and a fellow of the Wharton Financial Institutions Center.

Wall Street Agrees: Break Up The Banks!

The report notes that Wall Street implicitly agrees that most of the big banks 
are indeed too big and complex to manage. Thus the book value of the biggest 
banks, except for Well Fargo, exceeds the market capitalization of these firms. 
In other words, Wall Street is saying: the big banks would be worth more broken 
up, than they are in their current form. The report gives the figures at the 
end of the end of the second quarter, 2012.  While the figures have shifted 
somewhat since then, four of the five banks are still under 1.00.

Q2 2012                Today

Wells Fargo                         1.29                        1.24

JP Morgan Chase             0.74                        0.86

Goldman Sachs                  0.70                        0.85

Citigroup                              0.44                        0.64

Bank of America               0.41                        0.57

The big US banks are even bigger than we think

Another striking finding in the report is that the big US banks are 
considerably bigger than their accounts indicate. That’s because “generally 
accepted accounting principles” in the US (GAAP) allow banks to conceal trading 
in derivatives. The report’s graphic “shows what happens to the total assets of 
the 15 U.S. banks if derivatives are measured under the International Financial 
Reporting Standards (IFRS) rules rather than under U.S. GAAP. The most dramatic 
changes occur at the biggest of the big U.S. banks, which carry out a 
disproportionate share of trading in derivatives. As a result, several of those 
institutions suddenly appear to eclipse competitors in other countries if they 
are measured on the same basis. Indeed, U.S. GAAP treatment may be understating 
the assets of all U.S. banks on our list by a total of $5 trillion.”



For most people, $5 trillion, roughly the size of a third of the US economy, is 
more than loose change. At first sight, one might be tempted to conclude: 
that’s great! JPMorgan has almost twice as many assets as its balance sheet 
shows. On reflection, one is more likely to ask: given that derivatives are 
what led to the financial meltdown in 2008 as well as the JPMorgan’s London 
Whale debacle, what other contingent liabilities are lurking in this $2 billion 
pile of possibly toxic assets?

A recent article in The Atlantic concluded that, although JPMorgan’s derivative 
assets are “only” $2 trillion (based on OCC numbers), the notional value of 
JPMorgan’s derivative trading could be as high as $70 trillion, or one-tenth of 
the entire $700 trillion global derivatives market, which is itself ten times 
the size of the entire world economy. No one really knows, because we have very 
little information on what these $2 trillion in derivative assets ($70 trillion 
in notional value) consist of. That’s not only because GAAP rules do not 
require disclosure but also because the banks have been remarkably coy about 
revealing what they are up to.

The Atlantic found that even a supposedly safe and conservative bank like Wells 
Fargo, when you burrowed into its annual report, got two-thirds of its profits 
in 2011 from trading in derivatives. Efforts by The Atlantic in December 2012 
to obtain further information on the nature and extent of the trading that led 
to such extraordinary profits were unsuccessful. Bank executives declined to 
discuss the matter or offer any clarification of the obscure references to 
these activities in the firm’s annual report. Among other discoveries, it was 
hardly reassuring to learn from The Atlantic that the toxic off-balance-sheet 
devices, known as “special purpose entities” made famous by Enron, have 
re-emerged in Wells Fargo’s activities as “variable interest entities” (VIEs).

In JPMorgan’s case, we know that, in the case of the gambling on a share index 
by the London Whale, the “value at risk” of $67 million ballooned into an 
eventual loss of over $6 billion. What we don’t know is: what other contingent 
liabilities are lurking there?

Is size the real problem?

Although “too big to fail” provides a catchy political bumper sticker, and 
JPMorgan provides a convenient scapegoat for politicians and regulators to beat 
up on, the Milken Institute report concludes that it’s not obvious that the 
size per se of a bank like JPMorgan is the critical issue:

“The problem, of course, is that there is no bright line that enables one to 
easily distinguish between big banks that are or will become a systemic risk 
versus those big banks that are not or will not become such a risk. To the 
extent that the demarcation line is adjusted for individual banks of different 
degrees of “bigness,” the end result might once again lead back to a ‘too big 
to fail’ problem.

“A potential weakness with limits on size is that they could reduce economies 
of scale, not to mention economies of scope, in banking. That could increase 
the cost of banking services. In this regard, Wheelock and Wilson (2012, p.171) 
found that ‘…as recently as 2006, most U.S. banks faced increasing returns to 
scale, suggesting that scale economies are a plausible (but not necessarily 
only) reason for the growth in average bank size.’ In addition, Hughes and 
Mester (2011, p. 23) found ‘…evidence of large scale economies at smaller banks 
and even larger economies at large banks.’”

Even the liberal critic Paul Krugman is cited as a skeptic of the idea of 
breaking up the big banks.

Breaking up big banks wouldn’t really solve our problems, because it’s 
perfectly possible to have a financial crisis that mainly takes the form of a 
run on smaller institutions. In fact, that’s precisely what happened in the 
1930s, when most of the banks that collapsed were relatively small—small enough 
that the Federal Reserve believed that it was O.K. to let them fail.

And of course, the cause of the meltdown in 2008—Lehman Bros—was a relative 
small financial organization in financial terms and it was not a bank. It was 
the non-transparent linkages of its transactions to other larger banking 
organizations that caused the meltdown. The size of Lehman wasn’t the issue.

Repealing Glass-Steagall wasn’t the problem

Nor was the crisis of 2008 caused by the abolition of the Glass-Steagall Act. 
The Milken Institute report notes:

… the failures of banks in the crisis are not well correlated with the end of 
the Glass-Steagall restrictions. Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers both suffered 
failures, but both were essentially pure investment banks. By contrast, JP 
Morgan Chase combined investment and commercial banking but weathered the 
crisis well.

The Volcker Rule misses the problem

Meanwhile the apparently simple Volcker Rule (“no proprietary trading by 
commercial banks” has morphed into a regulations—still to be finalized—that 
might amount to 30,000 pages.

Even if implemented, the Milken Institute report is also rightly skeptical on 
the likely contribution of the Volcker Rule:

“It is not clear, for example, that proprietary trading was a significant 
factor in the recent financial crisis. The losses that led to problems at 
Lehman Brothers, Bear Stearns, IndyMac, Washington Mutual and other failed 
institutions were mainly connected to mortgage-backed securities and real 
estate, rather than to losses from the kind of trading that would be targeted 
by the Volcker Rule.”

Building ineffective firewalls

The thrust of the Dodd-Frank law is to build firewalls around the commercial 
banks to protect them against a possible collapse. Quite apart from the fact 
that the meltdown of 2008 wasn’t caused by a commercial bank (Lehman Bros was 
not a bank), building a firewall around $700 trillion secret derivatives market 
is like building a firewall around an unsafe nuclear plant.

No firewall can protect against the direct and indirect effects of a meltdown 
of even a tiny part of such a gigantic bubble. Even if only a sliver of the 
market were to go bad, say, two percent, that would still be the size of the 
entire US economy. Cash-strapped governments are today in no position to bail 
out Wall Street yet again, even if they had the political will to do so. The 
derivatives bubble is thus a gigantic financial accident waiting to happen: 
it’s “the mother of all bubbles”, with the risk of a vast and horrible “nuclear 
winter” to follow.

Banking regulation has failed

Overall, the massive effort at strengthened legislation and regulation for 
banks since 2008 has failed. It’s not for want of trying. The effort has been 
huge:

Draft Basel III regulations total 616 pages.
Quarterly reporting to the US Federal Reserve requires a spreadsheet with 2,271 
columns.
The 2010 Dodd-Frank law is 848 pages
The regulations may amount to 30,000 pages of legal minutiae
What we have here is a problem of rapidly growing bureaucracy and controls. The 
regulations are adding cost and complexity to banking without providing the 
public safety that is aimed at.

How much more regulation would be needed to keep us safe? 60,000 pages? 90,000 
pages?  More regulation isn’t the answer. We have to think through more 
clearly: what is the problem we are trying to solve? What is the best way to 
solve it?

Changing the game: greater transparency

The brute fact is that the massive effort at regulation and inspection and 
building of firewalls creates a semblance of protection but it doesn’t provide 
real protection.

Devising more rules or having more inspectors chasing after rogues like the 
London Whale or even breaking up banks is a losing game. The real solution is 
to change the nature of the game. Social pests like the London Whale are like 
cockroaches under a rock. They exist and flourish in the dark. Lift up the rock 
and they scurry away: we can then proceed to clean up the space that they were 
infesting. $5 trillion is lot to be hiding under a rock.

The root cause of the 2008 meltdown was lack of transparency. After Lehman’s 
collapse, no one could understand any particular bank’s risks from derivative 
trading and so no bank or shadow bank would deal with any other bank or 
shadow-bank. Because many of the banks and shadow banks had been involved to an 
unknown degree in risky derivative trading, no one could tell whether any 
particular financial institution might suddenly implode.

That problem still exists today in JPMorgan and in the other big banks. The 
only real solution is to require this trading in derivatives to be conducted in 
public. Just as company shares used to be traded privately, it was found to be 
in the public interest to have shares traded publicly, so that everyone could 
see what was going on. Light is a wonderful thing. It is the opposite of the 
darkness that allows all kinds of skullduggery to flourish. What’s nice is that 
it wouldn’t require a massive bureaucracy to make it work. Market forces would 
do the job for us.

Objections will be strenuous

Obviously there will be strenuous objections to transparency in derivative 
trading from the financial sector. When the big banks are making two-thirds of 
their profits from secret trading derivatives, anything that might hinder that 
activity will lead to pushback.

Banks will argue that “market-making” activities will be prevented by 
transparency. But is that a good thing or a bad thing? What sort of markets are 
being “made”? Yes, transparency would have prevented the London Whale from 
building up his massive positions, early in the process. The financial markets 
would have solved the problem, almost before it got started. There would be no 
need for inspectors or regulations or increased management oversight or new 
management fixes. The end of that kind of market would be a very good thing for 
everyone, including the banks.

Transparency would facilitate legitimate derivative trading aimed at hedging 
real business risk, such as airlines wanting to hedge on oil prices, but would 
contain or eliminate activities like gambling on an obscure share index with 
the sole object of making money from other financial dealers. Derivatives 
trading of the latter kind is pure gambling. It is money trying to make money 
from money. It is Las Vegas writ large. The $700 trillion global derivatives 
market is the modern equivalent of the Tulip Mania of 1636 or the South Seas 
Bubble of 1720. It serves no social purpose. It should be exposed to the light 
of day so that it can be seen for what it is. If most of it withers and dies, 
so much the better. The world will be a better place.

A change in focus for banks

Fortunately for society, banks would be able to shift their top talent out of 
the gambling business and back to the banks’ core function of funding the real 
economy, i.e. increasing financial opportunities and reducing financial risk 
for an ever wider array of citizens and enterprises. Pursuing profits from 
trading in derivatives has distracted banks from their true social purpose of 
reducing risk and increasing opportunities for an ever wider circle of citizens 
and enterprises. Innovation has been taking place in banking, but not in a way 
that provides sustained benefits for either the banks or society. Banks must 
have one goal: adding value for customers. Shareholder value must be seen as a 
result, not the goal. Everyone in the bank must have a clear line of sight as 
to how their work is adding value to customers on a daily basis. Any jobs that 
are not adding value to customer should be eliminated.

A change in focus for regulators: derivatives

So let’s stop beating up on Jamie Dimon and JPMorgan for being too big and 
imposing ever more controls on activities that are inherently unsafe. That may 
make political hay, but it doesn’t solve the real systemic problem of the 
banking system. Instead let’s focus on getting to the root cause of the problem 
at JPMorgan and elsewhere: lack of transparency in derivative trading. Let’s 
use market forces, not bureaucracy, to solve the problem.

Secret trading in derivatives:

Is too large and complex to manage
Is too opaque to be systemically safe
Won’t be made safe by building “fire-walls”
Is zero-sum, i.e. little value to society
Would have huge social costs in a financial meltdown
Would be too costly for governments to bail out
Has significant opportunity costs for banks
As Professor Barth told me today, “If you go through the annual report of a 
bank, you should not have to be a highly specialized financial expert to figure 
out where profits are coming from, or what degree firms are engaged in 
derivative activities, or what sort of derivatives or what sort of profit they 
are earning. You shouldn’t have to spend hours or even weeks trying to 
determine what is the ultimate source of the profits. If you don’t know the 
source of the profits, you don’t really know what is the business model. You’d 
like to think that investors could get information from annual reports to make 
investment decisions.”

Thus regulators should do something that is both useful and cost-effective: 
they should require trading in derivatives to become public.

And read also:

Banks: From Bubbles & Nuclear Winters To Golden Eras

Big banks and derivatives: why another financial crisis inevitable

How can bankers recover our trust?

Five steps that banks must take to create the good society

The five surprises of radical management

_________

Steve Denning’s most recent book is: The Leader’s Guide to Radical Management 
(Jossey-Bass, 2010).

Follow Steve Denning on Twitter @stevedenning




http://www.forbes.com/sites/stevedenning/2013/03/21/is-jpmorgan-too-big-complex-to-manage/
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