Real Clear Politics
 
 
Sweeping Conclusions From Census Data Are  a Mistake
By _Sean Trende_ (http://www.realclearpolitics.com/authors/sean_trende/)  - 
May 9,  2013




 
The big news of the week in the elections world has nothing to do with Jodi 
 Arias or Benghazi. It has to do with the latest release from the U.S. 
Census  Bureau about the 2012 electorate: the Current Population Survey data, 
or 
CPS for  short. This is a November survey that goes out with the one used 
to measure the  unemployment rate and other statistics. This survey, however, 
asks people if  they voted. Its main benefit is that it has a large sample 
size, which allows  for particularly fine-grained analysis. 
The recent release has been reported by others with banner headlines like  
this one: “For First Time on Record, Black Voting Rate Outpaced Rate for 
Whites  in 2012.” A flood of analysis has predictably followed, ranging from 
deep dives  into the data, to commentary on the problems it poses for 
Republicans, to  commentary on the problems it poses for Democrats if this 
level of  
African-American enthusiasm proves unsustainable after  Obama.




 
Here’s my take: Analysts should be much more circumspect in interpreting  
these data. The report is clearly off in an important respect. Depending on 
the  cause of the error, it could flow through and affect most of the other 
findings  of the report. 
The problem is pretty straightforward. On Table 2, _which you can read  
here_ (http://www.census.gov/prod/2013pubs/p20-568.pdf) , the CPS data conclude 
that there were 1.4 million more Hispanics who  voted in 2012 than in 2008, 
547,000 more Asians, 1.7 million more blacks, and 2  million fewer whites. 
That works out to a total of 1.8 million more votes cast  in 2012 than 2008, 
according to the CPS survey. 
But if there is one thing that we absolutely know about 2012, beyond any  
reasonable doubt, it is that turnout actually dropped from 2008. In fact, it  
dropped substantially. Dave Wasserman followed the 2012 returns as closely 
as  anyone, and he _calculates_ 
(https://docs.google.com/spreadsheet/ccc?key=0AjYj9mXElO_QdHpla01oWE1jOFZRbnhJZkZpVFNKeVE#gid=19)
   that turnout dropped 
from 131,313,820 in 2008, to 129,069,194. 
So, the CPS data say that there were around 4 million more votes cast in 
2012  than was actually the case. This means that those voting numbers we 
talked about  two paragraphs earlier actually have to be reduced, in some 
combination, by a  total of 4 million. 
How should they be reduced? That’s the bigger problem. Perhaps the easiest  
method is to assume that the census data overstate each population group  
proportionally. In other words, of the 4 million extra votes, 73 percent 
should  be ascribed to whites, 13 percent to blacks, and so forth. If we use 
this method  of dealing with the overcount, then there were actually 5 million 
fewer white  voters than there were in 2008, 1.1 million more blacks, 
211,000 more Asians,  and 1.3 million more Hispanics. That is a significant 
difference. 
But how much confidence should we have that all groups overstated their  
voting patterns equally? That strikes me as more likely than the possibility  
that one group in particular overstated its voting participation, and that 
none  of the other groups did so, but it’s impossible to quantify how much 
more likely  the first possibility is. 
If it is instead true that whites, blacks, Asians and Latinos overstated  
their participation at different rates, then the whole exercise becomes very  
difficult to sort through. Perhaps 80 percent of the 4 million vote 
overcount  should be ascribed to white voters. Perhaps 40 percent of the 
overcount 
should  be. We just don’t know, nor can we even state with much confidence 
how likely it  is that a given apportionment of the overcount is correct. All 
we know is that  there are millions of possible combinations to choose 
from. 
If it is the case that racial groups overstated their participation at  
different rates, then it presents a problem that pervades all of the data in 
the  report. Let’s say, for example, that whites disproportionately overstated 
their  actual voting rate in 2012. That would also mean that the age 
cohorts are  skewed, because whites are disproportionately older. 
It would also affect the headline data. Let’s say instead that whites  
disproportionately understated their actual voting rate in 2012, and all other  
groups overstated it. This could mean that African-Americans did not, in 
fact,  vote at a higher rate than whites this year. 
In fact, we can’t even be certain that the problems are with the current  
year. It might be that African-Americans disproportionately understated their 
 performance in 2008 but did not in 2012, which would make it seem as 
though  there was a disproportionate increase in votes reported this time 
around. 
One intriguing possibility along these lines, suggested by the Huffington  
Post’s _Michael  McDonald_ 
(http://www.huffingtonpost.com/michael-p-mcdonald/2012-turnout-race-ethnict_b_3240179.html)
 , is that non-response bias 
accounts for the discrepancy. The census  treats someone who doesn’t respond as 
not having voted. In 2012, blacks  increased the rate of response more than 
any other group, which might have  created a disproportionate increase in 
reported black turnout. 
Rather than treating non-respondents as “did not vote,” McDonald simply 
drops  them from the data sets. He then does something very illuminating: He 
re-creates  the age cohorts with his assumptions about non-respondents. 
The differences are aren’t huge, but they are important: He finds that 18- 
to  24-year-olds dropped off by 8.4 percent, as opposed to the 7.3 percent 
growth  that the census reported, and that 75-year-olds increased their 
participation  rate by 0.9 percent, rather than 2.2 percent. He finds that the 
decrease in  participation was, in fact, disproportionately concentrated among 
whites (both  Hispanic and non-Hispanic). Perhaps most interestingly, by 
re-creating the 2008  data set, he concludes that African-American 
participation outpaced white  participation in 2008 as well. 
This is an intriguing theory, but the assumption that we can drop  
non-participants without affecting the data isn’t clearly correct, although it  
is 
clearly reasonable. But it might also be the case that people who don’t  
respond to the survey are actually substantially more likely not to have voted  
than those who do respond; dropping them would skew this effect. 
Before closing, I want to emphasize that it's not clear that the census did 
 anything wrong. Its results are not “garbage-in/garbage-out.” The 
over-response  issue is pervasive, and it is something of which researchers are 
keenly aware.  This particular discrepancy has even popped up before: The 
census data found an  increase of 5 million votes between 2004 and 2008, when 
the 
actual increase was  9 million. It wasn’t as salient, because at least the 
actual results and the  exit polls both saw increases in vote totals, but it 
was there. (There are also  good years; the increase from 2000 to 2004 was 
pretty close.) Perhaps because of  this, the census report comes with a much 
less sexy headline than has been  reported: “The Diversifying Electorate -- 
Voting Rates by Race and Hispanic  Origin in 2012 (and Other Recent 
Elections).” 
But the bottom line is this: We know that there’s a problem with the data  
here, at least in terms of how people are reporting it out. The bigger 
problem  is that we don’t know exactly what that problem is. The data aren’t 
useless by  any stretch, and exit polling has its own, probably greater, 
problems. But  because of this known issue, analysts and reporters should avoid 
making sweeping  pronouncements on the basis of these data. There’s just too 
much that we don’t  know. 


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