He's drawing an odd conflation between "reduced capital requirements" and 
"monopoly profits."   There is such a thing as a helluva smart artist, like a 
Pablo Picasso, who can charge huge rates because he's incredibly good, not 
because he has a monopoly.  Unless you consider "skill" or "taste" a monopoly, 
which is a rather bad use of the term.

-- Ernie P.


On Jun 21, 2013, at 2:10 PM, [email protected] wrote:

>  
>  
>  
>  
> NY Times
>  
> Profits Without Production
> By PAUL KRUGMAN
> 
> Published: June 20, 2013
> 
> One lesson from recent economic troubles has been the usefulness of history. 
> Just as the crisis was unfolding, the Harvard economists Carmen Reinhart and 
> Kenneth Rogoff — who unfortunately became famous for their worst work — 
> published a brilliant book with the sarcastic title “This Time Is Different.” 
> Their point, of course, was that there is a strong family resemblance among 
> crises. Indeed, historical parallels — not just to the 1930s, but to Japan in 
> the 1990s, Britain in the 1920s, and more — have been vital guides to the 
> present.
> 
> Yet economies do change over time, and sometimes in fundamental ways. So 
> what’s really different about America in the 21st century?
> 
> The most significant answer, I’d suggest, is the growing importance of 
> monopoly rents: profits that don’t represent returns on investment, but 
> instead reflect the value of market dominance. Sometimes that dominance seems 
> deserved, sometimes not; but, either way, the growing importance of rents is 
> producing a new disconnect between profits and production and may be a factor 
> prolonging the slump.
> 
> To see what I’m talking about, consider the differences between the iconic 
> companies of two different eras: General Motors in the 1950s and 1960s, and 
> Apple today.
> 
> Obviously, G.M. in its heyday had a lot of market power. Nonetheless, the 
> company’s value came largely from its productive capacity: it owned hundreds 
> of factories and employed around 1 percent of the total nonfarm work force.
> 
> Apple, by contrast, seems barely tethered to the material world. Depending on 
> the vagaries of its stock price, it’s either the highest-valued or the 
> second-highest-valued company in America, but it employs less than 0.05 
> percent of our workers. To some extent, that’s because it has outsourced 
> almost all its production overseas. But the truth is that the Chinese aren’t 
> making that much money from Apple sales either. To a large extent, the price 
> you pay for an iWhatever is disconnected from the cost of producing the 
> gadget. Apple simply charges what the traffic will bear, and given the 
> strength of its market position, the traffic will bear a lot.
> 
> Again, I’m not making a moral judgment here. You can argue that Apple earned 
> its special position — although I’m not sure how many would make a similar 
> claim for Microsoft, which made huge profits for many years, let alone for 
> the financial industry, which is also marked by a lot of what look like 
> monopoly rents, and these days accounts for roughly 30 percent of total 
> corporate profits. Anyway, whether corporations deserve their privileged 
> status or not, the economy is affected, and not in a good way, when profits 
> increasingly reflect market power rather than production.
> 
> Here’s an example. As many economists have lately been pointing out, these 
> days the old story about rising inequality, in which it was driven by a 
> growing premium on skill, has lost whatever relevance it may have had. Since 
> around 2000, the big story has, instead, been one of a sharp shift in the 
> distribution of income away from wages in general, and toward profits. But 
> here’s the puzzle: Since profits are high while borrowing costs are low, why 
> aren’t we seeing a boom in business investment? And, no, investment isn’t 
> depressed because President Obama has hurt the feelings of business leaders 
> or because they’re terrified by the prospect of universal health insurance.
> 
> Well, there’s no puzzle here if rising profits reflect rents, not returns on 
> investment. A monopolist can, after all, be highly profitable yet see no good 
> reason to expand its productive capacity. And Apple again provides a case in 
> point: It is hugely profitable, yet it’s sitting on a giant pile of cash, 
> which it evidently sees no need to reinvest in its business.
> 
> Or to put it differently, rising monopoly rents can and arguably have had the 
> effect of simultaneously depressing both wages and the perceived return on 
> investment.
> 
> You might suspect that this can’t be good for the broader economy, and you’d 
> be right. If household income and hence household spending is held down 
> because labor gets an ever-smaller share of national income, while 
> corporations, despite soaring profits, have little incentive to invest, you 
> have a recipe for persistently depressed demand. I don’t think this is the 
> only reason our recovery has been so weak — weak recoveries are normal after 
> financial crises — but it’s probably a contributory factor.
> 
> Just to be clear, nothing I’ve said here makes the lessons of history 
> irrelevant. In particular, the widening disconnect between profits and 
> production does nothing to weaken the case for expansionary monetary and 
> fiscal policy as long as the economy stays depressed. But the economy is 
> changing, and in future columns I’ll try to say something about what that 
> means for policy.
> 
> 
> -- 
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