W Post
 
Nationalized gay marriage, now  inevitable

 
 
By _Charles Krauthammer_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/charles-krauthammer/2011/02/24/ADJkW7B_page.html)
 
June 27, 2013

 
 
< 
Under the _Defense of Marriage Act_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/courts_law/clintons-welcome-supreme-court-ruling-on-gay-marriage-law-that-fo
rmer-president-signed/2013/06/26/0e919e42-de80-11e2-a33d-86217a564f01_story.
html) , the federal government does not  recognize same-sex marriages even 
in states that have legalized it. This week,  _the Supreme Court_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/supreme-court/2013/06/26/f0039814-d9ab-11e2-a01
6-92547bf094cc_story.html)  ruled DOMA unconstitutional. 
There are two possible grounds, distinct and in some ways contradictory, 
for  doing so. The curious thing about the court’s DOMA decision is that it 
contains  both rationales.



 
The first is federalism. Marriage is the province of the states. Each state 
 decides who is married and who is not. The federal government may not 
intrude.  It must therefore recognize gay marriage where it has been legalized. 
If that were the essence of the argument, _the court’s 5-4 decision_ 
(http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/page/politics/supreme-courts-decision-on-the-defe
nse-of-marriage-act/271/)  would have been constitutionally  conservative, 
neither nationalizing nor delegitimizing gay marriage. It would  allow the 
issue to evolve over time as the people decide state by state. 
It would thus be the antithesis of Roe v. Wade. _That judicial fiat_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/as-roe-v-wade-turns-40-most-oppose-reversin
g-ruling-that-legalized-abortion-poll-shows/2013/01/16/bbc50fa4-604f-11e2-99
40-6fc488f3fecd_story.html)  swept away every state abortion law  that did 
not conform to the court’s idea of what abortion law should be. Even  many 
liberal supporters of abortion rights have admitted that Roe was  an 
unfortunate way to change the law. It prevented a stable social settlement of  
an 
issue, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg once said, that at the time was headed in  
the reform direction. The Roe ruling removed abortion from the  political 
arena, thus disenfranchising the citizenry, tainting the resolution of  the 
question and leaving us with 40 years of social strife. 
On the face of it, the court avoided that disaster regarding same-sex  
marriage by adopting judicial modesty. Gay marriage? You, Washington, have no  
business meddling in state business. To those married and living where such  
marriage is recognized, you must provide the normal federal spousal 
benefits,  etc. Otherwise, you don’t. 
Good outcome. It allows _popular sentiments on gay marriage_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/polling/postabc-poll-samesex-marriage-affirmative-a
ction/2013/06/11/eff78c2a-d2a5-11e2-b3a2-3bf5eb37b9d0_page.html)  to 
translate themselves  democratically into law. Which in turn allows, in 
contradistinction to abortion,  a political settlement of the question _state 
by 
state_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/special/politics/how-supreme-court-could-rule-on-gay-marriage/)
 . It may not satisfy everyone, but it does  give 
everyone a voice in the disposition of the issue and a sense of the  
legitimacy of the outcome. 
Except that in the DOMA decision, the court added a second rationale: equal 
 protection. In states with same-sex marriage, Washington must give the 
same  federal benefits to gay couples as to straight couples because to do 
otherwise  is to discriminate against the gay couples. After all, they are 
equally married  in their states. For Washington to discriminate against them 
is 
to deny them  equal protection of the laws. Such discrimination is nothing 
more than  irrational animus — and therefore constitutionally inadmissible. 
But notice what that second rationale does. If the argument is just  
federalism, the court is saying: Each state decides — and we, the court, are 
out  
of here. But if the argument is equal protection, one question is left 
hanging.  Why should equal protection apply only in states that recognize gay 
marriage?  Why doesn’t it apply equally — indeed, even perhaps more forcefully 
— to gays  who want to marry in states that refuse to marry them?  
If discriminating (regarding federal benefits) between a gay couple and a  
straight couple is prohibited in New York where gay marriage is legal, by 
what  logic is discrimination permitted in Texas, where a gay couple is 
prevented from  marrying in the first place? 
Which is exactly where the majority’s second rationale leads — 
nationalizing  gay marriage, the way Roe nationalized abortion. This is 
certainly why  
David Boies, the lead attorney in the _companion Proposition 8 case_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/supreme-court-clears-way-for-same-sex-marria
ge-in-california/2013/06/26/87ddb4d0-d9ac-11e2-a016-92547bf094cc_story.html)
 , was so jubilant when he came  out onto the courthouse steps after the 
ruling. He understood immediately that  once the court finds it 
unconstitutional to discriminate between gay and  straight couples, 
nationalizing gay 
marriage is just one step away. 
So why didn’t Justice Anthony Kennedy, the traditional swing vote who wrote 
 the majority opinion on DOMA with the court’s four liberals, take that 
step? Why  did he avoid doing the full Roe — nationalizing the procedure in  
question and declaring the subject now closed? I suspect he thought it would 
be  a bridge too far. At least for today. 
But he knows that the double rationale underlying his DOMA opinion has  
planted the seed for going Roe next time. It was prudence, not logic,  that 
stayed his hand. “The only thing that will ‘confine’ the Court’s holding,”  
_wrote dissenting Justice Antonin Scalia_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/supreme-court/2013/06/26/f0039814-d9ab-11e2-a016-92547bf094cc_story_1.ht
ml)  with a bit less  delicacy, “is its sense of what it can get away with.”
 Next case — Kennedy &  Co. go all the way.

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