Unless you count Libya, what foreign policy successes has US had in Mid  
East
in the BHO years ?
 
BR comment
 
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WaPo
 
In Israel, no silver  linings

 
 
By _Michael Gerson_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/michael-gerson/2011/02/24/ABocMYN_page.html) , 
Published:  July 15, 2013 

 
 
< 
THE GOLAN HEIGHTS 
The abandoned Circassian village of Zureiman provides a vantage point 
across  the fortified Israeli border into Syria. Regime forces hold an area 
from 
the  crossing at Quneitra to Ruheineh. Elements of the rebel _Free Syrian 
Army_ (http://articles.washingtonpost.com/keyword/free-syrian-army)  are 
attacking from both north and south,  attempting to close the corridor. A slow 
artillery duel — thud, thud — proceeds  in the near distance. Farther south 
in Syria, global jihadist groups  predominate. 



 
A few miles back from the border, traveling between minefields that cover 
30  percent of the Golan, you come to an Israeli winery serving samples and 
lunch  à la Napa Valley. It smacks of symbolism: Ten minutes from the Syrian  
civil war to a nice sauvignon blanc.  
Israel is the relatively quiet eye of the Middle Eastern storm. But there 
are  vistas of conflict on nearly every side. The triumph of Bashar al-Assad 
in  Syria, according to _Sallai Meridor_ 
(http://www.timesofisrael.com/topic/sallai-meridor/) , the former Israeli 
ambassador to the  United States, 
would “not be the devil we know, but a much worse devil, an agent  of Iran and 
Hezbollah.” Israel’s cold peace with Egypt is fragile, and a _distracted 
Egyptian military_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/egypts-morsi-defiant-under-pressure-as-deadline-looms/2013/07/03/28fda81c-e39d-11e2-80eb-3145e2994a
55_story.html)  could allow jihadists to  cause trouble in the Sinai. “We 
look at Jordan,” says Meridor, “and pray.”  
Not all the consequences of regional chaos are immediately bad for Israel.  
The Syrian military has been decimated as a fighting force. Hezbollah, by  
joining Assad’s anti-Sunni holy war, has lost its luster in the Arab world.  
But the general Israeli attitude is worry and wariness — the understandable 
 attitude of a people with a long history of heroism but not much 
experience with  happy endings. “Everything looks worse,” says Meridor. “There 
is a 
feeling that  we can be prepared, but there is nothing proactive we can do 
about it.” So  Israeli foreign policy is reactive. It focuses on disrupting 
short-term threats  (such as _arms transfers to Hezbollah_ 
(http://newstimes.co.in/readnews.aspx?id=18909) ) rather than developing  
long-term strate
gies. And Israeli politics has turned inward toward domestic  concerns.  
Many Israeli political figures share a concern: That the United States has  
also become reactive. That it is focused on disrupting short-term threats 
rather  than developing long-term strategies. And that U.S. politics has 
turned inward  toward domestic issues. “There is a sense you can count less on 
America,”  according to Meridor, “that it is weaker, or has chosen not to 
act, or that  events are out of control, or a combination.”  
The United States, much to Israel’s chagrin, has adopted a more Israeli  
approach to foreign policy. In the most favorable interpretation, Washington 
is  rebalancing burdens between a reluctant superpower and its free-riding 
allies.  Or it is pivoting to Asia. But it is accompanying this shift with an 
impression  of political paralysis, rising debt and growing public 
skepticism about global  engagement.  
The results are becoming obvious. The Obama administration, according to  
Meridor, “tried a different approach, with resets and accommodations. But is 
the  United States today more loved, respected or more feared? With sorrow, 
it is  not.” U.S. passivity and confusion have left a trail of missed 
opportunities.  During the _Iranian Green Revolution_ 
(http://thelede.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/06/10/a-green-revolution-for-iran/)  of 
2009, the administration  
remained fixed on a strategy of regime engagement. In 2011, it hesitated in 
 supporting Syria’s civil uprising. Since 2011, it has managed to convince 
every  side in Egypt that the United States has betrayed them.  
It is increasingly difficult to argue that America is shaping the agenda in 
 the Middle East. But little positive actually gets done in the region 
without  active U.S. leadership. Unless the United States coordinates the arms 
shipments  of Turkey or Qatar to Syrian rebels, those shipments go to very 
disturbing  people. Unless the United States effectively leads the opposition 
to Iranian  ambitions, other nations are tempted to lose heart or to cut 
self-serving deals.  
A regional power such as Israel might be able to afford a reactive,  
short-term approach. If the United States does not proactively shape the  
security 
environments in which it operates, it is left to respond on  progressively 
less favorable terms. The collapse of, say, Jordan, or the  collapse of the 
nuclear _Non-Proliferation Treaty system_ 
(http://www.un.org/disarmament/WMD/Nuclear/NPT.shtml)  would have profound,  
unavoidable implications for U.S. 
security.  
The United States, of course, is not abandoning the Middle East, just  
creating an impression of tired ambivalence. Nearly every Israeli politician,  
legislator and think-tank scholar seems to be debating whether the United 
States  has really drawn a red line on Iranian nuclear weapons or is leaving 
some  strategic ambiguity — which means the administration is leaving 
ambiguity.  
Such debates, conducted over a glass of wine, eventually become less  
theoretical, as the storm gathers strength.

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