Brazil’s Changing Religious Landscape
("The Pew  Forum on Religion & Public Life," July 18, 2013) 
Since the Portuguese colonized Brazil in the 16th century, it has been  
overwhelmingly Catholic. And today Brazil has more Roman Catholics than any  
other country in the world – an estimated 123 million.1 But the share of  
Brazil’s overall population that identifies as Catholic has been dropping  
steadily in recent decades, while the percentage of Brazilians who belong to  
Protestant churches has been rising. Smaller but steadily increasing shares of  
Brazilians also identify with other religions or with no religion at all,  
according to a Pew Research Center analysis of Brazilian census data. 
Brazil’s total population more than doubled over the last four decades,  
increasing from approximately 95 million to more than 190 million. Between 
1970  and 2000, the number of Catholics in the country rose even though the 
share of  the population that identifies as Catholic was falling. But from 2000 
to 2010,  both the absolute number and the percentage of Catholics 
declined; Brazil’s  Catholic population fell slightly from 125 million in 2000 
to 
123 million a  decade later, dropping from 74% to 65% of the country’s total 
population. 
The number of Brazilian Protestants, on the other hand, continued to grow 
in  the most recent decade, rising from 26 million (15%) in 2000 to 42 
million (22%)  in 2010. “Protestant” is broadly defined here to include 
Brazilians who identify  with historically mainline and evangelical Protestant 
denominations as well as  those who belong to Pentecostal denominations, such 
as 
the Assemblies of God and  the Foursquare Church. It also includes members of 
independent, neo-Pentecostal  churches, such as the Universal Church of the 
Kingdom of God and the God is Love  Pentecostal Church, both of which were 
founded in Brazil. But in keeping with  categories in the Brazilian census, 
it does not include Mormons or Jehovah’s  Witnesses. 
In addition, the number of Brazilians belonging to other religions –  
including Afro-Brazilian faiths such as Candomblé and Umbanda; spiritist  
movements like the one related to the late Chico Xavier; and global religions  
such 
as Buddhism and Islam – has been climbing. About 2 million Brazilians  
belonged to these other religions in 1970. By 2000, adherents of religions 
other 
 than Catholicism and Protestantism numbered about 6 million (4% of Brazil’
s  population), and as of 2010, the group had grown to 10 million (5%). 
Finally, the number of Brazilians with no religious affiliation, including  
agnostics and atheists, also has been growing. In 1970, fewer than 1 
million  Brazilians had no religious affiliation. By 2000, that figure had 
jumped 
to 12  million (7%). In the most recent decade, the unaffiliated continued 
to expand,  topping 15 million (8%) in Brazil’s 2010 census. 
Trends Within Brazilian Protestantism 
The growth of Pentecostalism in Brazil has been particularly pronounced. In 
 Brazil’s 1991 census, about 6% of the population belonged to Pentecostal 
or  neo-Pentecostal churches. By 2010, that share had grown to 13%. 
Meanwhile, the  percentage of Brazilians who identify with historical 
Protestant 
denominations,  such as Baptists and Presbyterians, has remained fairly steady 
over the last two  decades at about 3% to 4% of the population. The Brazilian 
census also contains  a third category of Protestants, labeled “
unclassified.” That group has grown  from less than 1% of Brazil’s population 
in 1991 
to 5% in 2010.2 
The rapid growth of Pentecostals and other Protestants in Brazil cannot be  
explained fully by demographic factors, such as fertility rates or 
immigration.  Brazilian census data from 2000 indicate that total fertility 
rates 
for  Protestants are about the same as for Catholics.3 In addition, less than 
1% of  Brazil’s population is foreign born – too small a percentage for 
immigration to  make a significant difference in the religious composition of 
the country as a  whole. 
Rather, the main factor in the growth of Protestantism in Brazil appears to 
 be religious switching, or movement from one religious group to another. 
The  country’s decennial census does not ask Brazilians whether they have 
switched  religions. But a 2006 Pew Research survey of Brazilian Pentecostals 
found that  nearly half (45%) had converted from Catholicism.4 
Catholics have decreased as a share of Brazil’s population while 
Protestants  have risen among men and women, young and old, people with and 
without a 
high  school education, and those living in both urban and rural areas. But 
the  changes have been particularly pronounced among younger Brazilians and 
city  dwellers, as shown in the tables below. For example, the percentage of 
 Brazilians ages 15-29 who identify as Catholic has dropped 29 percentage 
points  since 1970, and the share of Catholics in Brazil’s urban population 
has fallen  28 points. 
Brazilian Catholics tend to be older and live in rural areas, while  
Protestants tend to be slightly younger and live in urban areas. Brazilians 
with  
no religious affiliation also are younger, on average, than the population 
as a  whole and are more likely to reside in urban settings. The remainder of 
this  report examines these demographic patterns in more detail. 
Differences in the Religious Affiliation of Brazilians 
Age 
Generational change has contributed to the declining number of Catholics in 
 Brazil. As of 2010, nearly three-quarters (73%) of Brazilians ages 70 and 
older  are Catholic, while fewer than two-thirds (63%) of those ages 15-29 
identify as  Catholic. 
Younger cohorts are somewhat more likely than older Brazilians to be  
Protestant or to have no religious affiliation. As of 2010, for example,  
Protestants make up more than a fifth (22%) of Brazilians ages 15-29, compared  
with 17% of those 70 and older. And 10% of 15-to 29-year-olds had no religious  
affiliation in 2010, while just 4% of Brazilians ages 70 and older are  
unaffiliated. 
Urban Versus Rural 
Brazil’s overall population has become increasingly urban. In 1970, about  
half (56%) of Brazilians lived in urban areas; as of 2010, more than  
eight-in-ten (84%) do. As a result, all of Brazil’s religious groups have 
become  
increasingly urban – but some more so than others. 
In general, Catholics are more likely than other religious groups to live 
in  rural areas. According to the 2010 census, more than three-quarters (78%) 
of  Brazilians who live in rural areas are Catholic, compared with roughly  
six-in-ten (62%) urban dwellers.5 
In 1970, the religious profiles of rural and urban residents were very  
similar, but the differences have become more pronounced in recent decades.  
Today, Brazil’s cities are home to a much lower share of Catholics than the  
country’s rural areas. For example, less than half (46%) of the population of 
 Rio de Janeiro, Brazil’s second-largest city, is affiliated with the 
Catholic  Church.6 
Gender 
According to the 2010 census, about equal percentages of Brazilian men 
(65%)  and women (64%) are Catholic. By contrast, a slightly higher percentage 
of women  (24%) than men (20%) identify as Protestant, while a slightly 
higher share of  men (10%) than women (6%) have no religious affiliation. 
Similar 
shares of men  (5%) and women (6%) belong to other religions. 
These gender patterns have become more distinct over time. For instance, 
the  religious profiles of men and women were quite similar in the 1970s and 
1980s.  But over the past two decades, the share of women who are Protestant 
has ticked  up, as has the share of men who are religiously unaffiliated. 
Education 
Looking at two education levels – completion of high school and less  
education – there are only minor differences in the percentages of Catholics,  
Protestants and the unaffiliated in each group. The notable exception is that 
a  greater share of adults who have completed high school belong to other 
religions  (9%) compared with those who have less education (4%). This is 
particularly true  of Brazilians belonging to spiritist movements. As of 2010, 
the share of  spiritists who have completed high school (70%) is almost twice 
as high as in  the general public (36%). 
Methodology 
The census estimates for 1970, 1980, 1991 and 2000 were drawn from a  
microdata subsample of the Brazilian census downloaded from the  
IPUMS-International data service at the Minnesota Population Center. All  
microdata estimat
es use weights provided by IPUMS. Estimates for 2010 were  downloaded as 
tables from the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica  (IBGE). 
Comparable microdata for 2010 are not yet publicly available. 
The classification of religious groups in this report is based on the  
classification schema used by the IBGE, though the nomenclature is somewhat  
different. For example, the term “Protestant” is used in this report to refer 
to  the IBGE’s “Evangélicos” category, in order to avoid confusion with the 
North  American understanding of the word “evangelical.” As noted in the 
report, the  broad Protestant category includes historically mainline 
denominations;  historically evangelical denominations; Pentecostal 
denominations; 
and  independent, neo-Pentecostal churches. But it does not include Jehovah’
s  Witnesses and Mormons, which the Brazilian census classifies as “other  
religions.” 
There are minor differences between the estimated size of Brazil’s Catholic 
 population in this report and previously published Pew Research estimates. 
 Specifically, Pew Research’s February 2013 report “The Global Catholic  
Population” estimated the total number of all Catholics in Brazil at about 
126  million. The current report focuses solely on Roman Catholics, who number 
about  123 million in Brazil as of 2010. The difference of 3 million is 
partly  accounted for by independent Catholics, such as members of the 
Brazilian  Catholic Apostolic Church, who account for about 700,000 people. The 
remainder  (about 2.3 million) is due to a small number of missing responses in 
the census  and an adjustment of younger age groups. 
The age group adjustment reflects the fact that parents sometimes are  
hesitant to report a religious affiliation for an infant even though they will  
claim a religion for the child when he or she is slightly older. For 
instance,  the 2000 Brazilian census reported that 11% of children ages 0-4 
were  
unaffiliated. But in the 2010 census, only 8% of the same birth cohort (then  
10-14 years old) was unaffiliated. While some of this change may be 
explained by  mortality and migration, it is at least partly due to parents 
being 
more willing  to describe their older children as Christians. In order to 
compensate for this  measurement bias, previous Pew Research reports applied 
the religious  composition of older children (5-9 years old) to infants and 
young children (0-4  years old) in Brazil. To maintain consistency with 
Brazilian census figures for  2010, however, no such adjustment was made in 
this 
report. 
If an adjustment was made to compensate for low religious affiliation rates 
 in the youngest cohort (0-4 years old) of Brazilians, it would slightly 
raise  the number of people in each religious group as of 2010, including 
Catholics. It  also would slightly decrease the size of the unaffiliated group. 
But the overall  trends described in this report – including the rising 
share of Protestants and  declining share of Roman Catholics in Brazil’s 
population – would not  change. 
This report is part of the Pew-Templeton Global Religious Futures project, 
an  effort funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts and the John Templeton 
Foundation to  analyze religious change and its impact on societies around the 
world.  
____________________________________

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