Policy Network - Opinion
http://www.policy-network.net/pno_detail.aspx?ID=4371&title=Saving-capitalism-with-a-new-Fordism

The Great Recession has discredited neoliberalism. In advanced economies, 
recovery has to come from a new Fordism, so that workers can afford the 
services they provide

The Great Recession has discredited neoliberalism, which combined conservative 
optimism about deregulated markets with progressive support for education and 
the safety net.  The present crisis arose from the toxic interaction of 
mercantilism among the rising economies, particularly in China and other 
export-oriented East Asian countries, with post-Fordism in the advanced 
developed economies, particularly the US. Developing economies need a 
transition to traditional Fordism, so that their workers can afford the goods 
they make.  In the advanced economies, the transition has to be from 
post-Fordism to a new Fordism in the service sector, so that their workers can 
afford the services they provide.

The following briefly explains how we arrived at the current juncture before 
looking at what needs to be done to save capitalism.  

1. The problem of bubble and glut
Before World War II, unreformed industrial capitalism suffered from a “bubble 
and glut economy” characterised by asset bubbles and trade wars.  Because the 
rich are less likely to spend additional income on goods and services than on 
speculation, excessive concentrations of income and wealth exacerbated asset 
bubbles in real estate and the stock market.  Mercantilism – the policy of 
subsidising high-value-added exports while importing chiefly raw materials – 
led to trade wars among industrial countries.  Mercantilism also encouraged 
colonialism, because conquered countries could be coerced into buying the 
mercantilist nation’s manufactured goods while supplying it with raw materials 
and low-value-added products.

After World War II, the architects of the liberal capitalist order sought to 
eliminate the bubble-and-glut economy by combining international rules against 
mercantilist trade strategies with domestic “Fordism”, named after the American 
automobile manufacturer Henry Ford who paid his workers enough to allow them to 
purchase the cars they made. At the national level, Fordism took the form of a 
high-wage, high-demand economy. Pre-war proletarians were turned into post-war 
middle classes, by a combination of universal institutions (social insurance 
and, in some cases, minimum wages) and sectoral institutions (industrial worker 
unions and family farm subsidies). At the global level, the equivalent of 
Fordism was the expectation that industrial nations would both export and 
import high-value-added goods and services. The Bretton Woods financial system 
of fixed exchange rates discouraged the mercantilist strategy of competitive 
devaluations.  The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) discouraged 
another mercantilist strategy, protective tariffs.

2. The rise of post-Fordism
In the late twentieth century, Fordism gave way to post-Fordism in the 
developed nations and pre-Fordism in industrialising countries. In advanced 
economies, post-Fordism has been characterised by increasing inequality of 
income and wealth. Thanks to technology-driven productivity growth, agriculture 
and manufacturing have shed labour to the growing non-traded domestic service 
sector, generally lower-paid and less unionised.  In some countries, including 
the US, post-Fordism was worsened by policy changes, including a 
government-business assault on labour unions, a declining minimum wage, 
deindustrialisation caused by outsourcing rather than productivity growth, and 
large-scale, low-wage immigration.

At the global level, the old pre-1945 bubble and glut economy has been 
resurrected in a new form.  In the more liberal economies like the US and UK, 
rentiers in the overgrown financial sector captured many of the gains from 
growth and used their windfalls to speculate  in stocks and real estate assets. 
 In more mercantilist economies like China, Japan and Germany, government 
policy directly or indirectly steered capital toward over-investment in 
infrastructure and industries, resulting in gluts, dumping and retaliation by 
their trading partners. The system, dependent on private consumer debt, 
collapsed following the financial panic of 2008.

4. Saving capitalism with a new Fordism
What is needed now is a shift from post-Fordism to service sector Fordism in 
developed countries, and a shift to old-fashioned Fordism in developing 
countries. The new Fordism must focus on service sector workers. Thanks to 
automation, factory workers will soon account for as small a percentage of the 
workforce in advanced economies as farmers already do.  While the old Fordism 
focused on production workers in factory and farm, the next Fordism must focus 
on service sector workers.  Health aides and hospitality workers, for example, 
should have access to the services they provide, through the market or 
tax-supported public services. Many service sector jobs being created in 
advanced economies pay poorly and require only limited education and on-the-job 
training. Creating service sector Fordism at the national level will require 
direct labor market interventions, not just the investments in education that 
were over-emphasised by yesterday’s neoliberals.  

The repertory of labour market interventions from which policymakers can 
choose, in order to boost most service sector workers into a new middle class, 
includes greater service sector unionisation, reformed wages and hours laws, 
minimum wages, wage subsidies, tax cuts for low-and middle-income workers, and 
the direct or indirect socialisation of necessities like health care, education 
and housing. Taxes, including those that support social insurance, could be 
shifted to some degree from payroll taxes on labor to taxes on high incomes, 
property, consumption and financial and resource rents.

5. Old-fashioned production sector Fordism is still a strategy for developing 
nations
While the developed economies need to adopt service sector Fordism, the 
developing nations should adopt old-fashioned production sector Fordism, 
raising wages for their industrial workers and farmers and expanding their 
undeveloped service sectors, including public social insurance and welfare.

6. At the global level, new rules are needed to protect a liberal trading order 
from new forms of mercantilism
Unlike the old mercantilism, which used protective tariffs and sought to corner 
world markets in finished goods, the new mercantilism seeks to use currency 
manipulation, subsidies and other techniques other than tariffs to capture 
high-value-added parts of global supply chains rather than to capture entire 
industries. The rules of world trade need to penalise countries that practice 
the new mercantilism, while permitting all major economies and regions to 
maintain minimal shares in high-value-added parts of global supply chains.

In the twentieth century, Fordism in the production sector rescued capitalism 
from the bubble and glut economy created by inequality and mercantilism. In the 
twenty-first century, a new service sector Fordism in the developed economies 
along with old-fashioned Fordism in the developing economies is needed to 
rescue capitalism once again.

Michael Lind is co-founder of the New America Foundation, policy director of 
its Economic Growth Program, and author of “Land of Promise:  An Economic 
History of the United States”

This article forms part of a series of 30 ‘Memos to the Left’ entitled 
‘Progressive Governance: The Politics of Growth, Stability and Reform’.

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