Fascinating article. It reminded me of a C-Span lecture by  Dr.  Benjamin 
Wiker for his recent book Worshipping the State:  How Liberalism Became our 
State  Religion,
which has been discussed at RC.org in the past. This is also a good time to 
 revisit Wiker and take a fresh look at this theory about secular religion.
 
BR
 
=====================================
 
W Post
 
Steve Jobs: Prophet of a new  religion 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/national/on-faith/steve-jobs-prophet-of-a-new-religion/2013/08/20/0ca29178-09d6-11
e3-89fe-abb4a5067014_story.html#) 

 



 
By Jeffrey Weiss| Religion News Service, Updated: Tuesday,  August 20, 2013 

 
 
< 
RNS () — The new movie about Steve Jobs is short  on anything explicitly 
religious. Like its main character, however, it’s got a  thread of 
transcendence running through it. 
The truth about Jobs and religion may be that, in this arena as in others, 
he  was ahead of the cutting edge.
 
 



< 
The film isn’t making the purists happy, in part because it takes too many  
liberties with history. But it’s not a documentary. I’ll go against many 
of the  reviews and say that Ashton Kutcher does a pretty good job at 
representing the  personality found in Jobs’ speeches and in what has been 
written 
about Jobs —  particularly in the massive authorized biography by Walter 
Isaacson. 
One quote in that book, from one of Jobs’ old girlfriends, pretty much  
captures the character in the film: “He was an enlightened being who was cruel,”
  she told Isaacson. “That’s a strange combination.” 
The movie gives some sense of a man who could be impossibly inspirational — 
 able to get more from people than they’d imagined. And also an irrational  
boor. 
Apple insiders famously had a phrase to describe the effect that Jobs could 
 have on people: the “reality distortion field.” Which sounds like the 
power  wielded by a biblical prophet, no? 
And his creations were described (and derided) in religious terms: the 
Jesus  Phone, the Jesus Tablet. The Economist once ran a cover with an image of 
Jobs  with a halo. New York magazine ran a cover of Jobs with the headline “
iGod.” 
Jokes have been made — some more pointed than funny — about the 
resemblance  of Jobs and Apple customers to a religious “cult.” (For the 
record, 
Apple is not  a religion. No faith was ever needed to understand the 
superiority 
of the Mac.)  And Jobs’ feet of clay extended well past his knees — more 
akin to the Bible’s  Abraham or David than Jesus or any New Testament 
apostle. 
While some people have criticized the new movie as hagiography, Jobs’ flaws 
 get plenty of airing. His womanizing, his denial of his own daughter, his  
willingness to mix it up in the corporate snake pit — all on screen. 
So what did Jobs have to do with religion trends? He was an exemplar, an 
icon  of one of the hottest. 
For all the debate about what is really the “fastest-growing religion” in  
America, the data is pretty conclusive: If “None of the Above” had a  
headquarters, its membership would only be exceeded by the Catholic Church. (Of 
 
course, to paraphrase the old Groucho Marx line, these folks would never 
join a  faith that would have them as members.) 
About one in five Americans answer survey questions on whether they belong 
to  a religious group by saying “none of the above,” which has earned them 
the  nickname “nones.” 
But most of them say they believe in something that doesn’t fit in any of 
the  standard dogmas. God, prayer, heaven, angels — most of the nones check 
off one  or more of those boxes. That’s where Jobs lived, too. 
Early in the movie a young Jobs, while on LSD, hears Bach emerging from a  
wheat field. He stands and conducts, clearly transported into some deeper  
connection beyond the visible plants and earth. That happened. Also in the  
movie, there are hints at Job’s seeking after Eastern religious beliefs. And 
his  frankly nutso diets that he figured helped purify him.



 
 
Though the movie doesn’t say so, this spiritual searching followed a  
childhood of more conventional religion. His parents attended a Lutheran 
church.  
And so did Steve, according to his biography, until he bumped up against  
theodicy when he was 13.
 
 
 
 
Theodicy is the attempt to explain how an all-powerful, all-knowing, and  
all-good deity could allow so much human suffering. For Jobs, the question 
was  about children starving in Biafra



 
The pastor’s answer didn’t satisfy Jobs. So he never went back. Various  
accounts of his life describe his eventual link to Zen Buddhism. Apparently 
he  took from Zen an appreciation of simplicity and minimalist design, if not 
the  removal of attachment that Buddhist enlightenment is supposed to bring.
 
Instead, Jobs was a “none” before anybody knew what that meant. As he told 
 Isaacson not long before his death: “I’m about fifty-fifty on believing 
in God.  For most of my life, I’ve felt that there must be more to our 
existence than  meets the eye.” 
But he turned to his own intuitions, not the dictates of any particular  
religion. That belief in intuition manifested itself in what he did with 
Apple.  Lots of other people were better than Jobs at hardware and coding. 
Job’s 
magic  was in setting a vision, a philosophy, and then driving the material 
experts  into creating stuff that matched his vision. 
But people who devise their own dogmas can fall victim to the same kinds of 
 ills found in established faiths. In Jobs’ case, he may have believed his 
own  hype about distorting reality. When he was diagnosed with pancreatic 
cancer, his  doctors wanted to operate immediately. They figured they had a 
good chance at  saving him. 
Jobs, however, went with his intuition, into fad diets and “holistic” 
woo-woo  that did him no good. By the time he agreed to the operation, the 
cancer had  metastasized and it eventually spread beyond where medicine could 
help. Doctors  differ about whether the delay made a difference. 
A few weeks after his death in 2011, a New Yorker cover showed Jobs 
standing  at the heavenly gates, with St. Peter checking him in using an iPad. 
A few weeks later, author Eric Weiner wrote an essay for The New York 
Times.  He and other “nones,” he wrote, were hunting for a new way to connect 
with  religious ideas and values: 
“We need a Steve Jobs of religion. Someone (or ones) who can invent not a 
new  religion but, rather, a new way of being religious. Like Mr. Jobs’s 
creations,  this new way would be straightforward and unencumbered and 
absolutely  intuitive.” 
That was surely one of the many projects Jobs had actually pursued through  
most of his life. Had he lived longer, who knows? The Steve Jobs of 
religion may  have been Steve Jobs. 
------------------------- 
Who is trying to jive whom?  Jobs clearly was a genius at business,  anyone 
who disputes this proposition would be an idiot. But obviously he  was a 
second-rate religious thinker. What could anyone have expected?  For  
understandable reasons he put almost all of his time into his company. However, 
 
that means he did not spend significant time thinking about religious issues,  
that is, doing the necessary research and then thinking about religious  
issues  -otherwise simply thinking about something and all you get is a  rehash 
of popular concepts and assumptions and platitudes that happen to be in  
your memory at a given time. To accomplish much of anything, in any field,  
requires research. And  Jobs was not about to give religious issues that  kind 
of attention even if, in his past, years and years in his past, the  
opposite might well have been true. 
BR comment 
========================= 
The Catholic Thing 
Worshipping the State 
_Worshipping  the State_ 
(http://www.thecatholicthing.org/columns/2013/worshipping-the-state.html)    
(http://www.thecatholicthing.org/columns/2013/worshipping-the-state/print.html) 
   
(http://www.thecatholicthing.org/component/option,com_mailto/link,aHR0cDovL3d3dy50aGVjYXRob2xpY3RoaW5nLm9yZy9jb2x1bW5zL
zIwMTMvd29yc2hpcHBpbmctdGhlLXN0YXRlLmh0bWw=/tmpl,component/)   
Review by George J. Marlin 
May 1, 2013 
By George J. Marlin       Wednesday, 01 May 2013  
_Worshipping  the State_ 
(http://www.thecatholicthing.org/columns/2013/worshipping-the-state.html)    
(http://www.thecatholicthing.org/columns/2013/worshipping-the-state/print.html) 
   
(http://www.thecatholicthing.org/component/option,com_mailto/link,aHR0cDovL3d3dy50aGVjYXRob2xpY3RoaW5nLm9yZy9jb2x1bW5zL
zIwMTMvd29yc2hpcHBpbmctdGhlLXN0YXRlLmh0bWw=/tmpl,component/)      By George 
J. Marlin       Wednesday, 01 May 2013  
The prime objective of  secularists in modern times has been to “free” us 
all from the influence (The  burden, they’d say) of Christianity. Just how 
they  have gone about destroying that influence on the course of  human 
affairs is ably described in Dr. Benjamin Wiker’s new book _Worshipping the 
State:  How Liberalism Became our State  Religion_ 
(http://astore.amazon.com/thecatthi-20/detail/1621570290) . 
Wiker, who has taught at  Franciscan University and Thomas Aquinas College, 
holds that the raison  d’être of secular philosophers’ has been to reduce 
Christianity’s hold on  Western culture, and either to subordinate the 
Church to the state or to  establish a rival civic religion that would make the 
Church irrelevant – or  impotent. 
In Wiker’s telling, it was Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527) who “invented 
the absolute separation of  church and state that is the hallmark of 
liberalism.”   His hope was to deny the Church any moral power and  to 
subordinate 
it to the secular  sovereign. 
Machiavelli insisted that  for a prince to survive he must “learn to be 
able not to be good,” hence he must  be free from the moral restraints the 
Church imposes, even on a head of  state. 
Machiavelli does argue,  however, that the ruthless prince should appear 
pious and if necessary use the  Church to control the unenlightened masses. 
Twenty-three years after his  death, Machiavelli’s notions on the 
relationship of state and Church were  utilized at the Peace of Augsburg 
(1555). The 
European monarchs agreed to a  compromise known cuius regio, eius religio, “
whose realm, his  religion.” Each state was to determine its own established 
 Church. 
The English philosopher  Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), author of Leviathan, 
built on Machiavelli’s  political philosophy to undermine the “seditious” 
influence of religion. Hobbes,  Wiker points out, “concluded that the political 
problem was the existence of any  notion of religion independent of the 
political power. . . . Christianity itself  had to be reformed in a 
Machiavellian way so that it would support the state  rather than continually 
challenging it.” 
Hobbes, the first proponent  of the totalitarian state, dismissed the Church
’s doctrine of sin insisting:  “there was no sin and no right and wrong 
until the sovereign declares them to be  so.” Natural rights do not come from 
God, but from the state. If there is to be  a Church, it will be state 
controlled. 
Dr. Wiker persuasively  arguers that modern liberals adopted Hobbes’ notion 
of “moral relativism, and of  an entirely secular materialistic foundation 
for politics.” The difference?  Instead of the sovereign king determining 
what is right or wrong, the sovereign  individual would define his own values.
The next philosopher to  advance the case for the secular state was 
Benedict Spinoza (1632-1677). The  leaders of his Jewish faith excommunicated 
Spinoza, primarily because he was a  pantheist who “makes a god of this world 
and 
thus completely undermines the  entire Judeo-Christian understanding of 
reality that flows from the creator –  creature distinction in Genesis.” 
In Spinoza’s view, the  secular state is the “greatest manifestation of 
the divine.” A state-sponsored  church would be available merely to promote 
the agenda of the state to the  “plebs,” the dumb common people. 
Such a church would be  dogma-free and its core belief would be reduced to “
love of neighbor,” in other  words being nice. By love, Wiker writes, “
Spinoza meant minding one’s own  business, not bothering others but just 
getting along – in a word, tolerance. .  . .Spinoza enshrines doctrinal 
tolerance 
as the supreme virtue in the  established secular liberal church.” 
While Machiavelli, Hobbes,  and Spinoza encouraged the sovereign to use the 
Church to achieve secular goals,  it was Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) 
who held “that Christianity is wholly  incompatible with the new secular 
order and . . . must be superseded, replaced  by an entirely new religion 
completely defined by the secular political  project.” 
For Rousseau, there is no  “Body of Christ” only a “Body Politic.” He 
called for a pagan civil religion  that requires the complete devotion of its 
citizenry. 
The basis of his radical  egalitarian religion is tolerance. Sexuality is 
liberated from Church  restraints; marriage is not sanctioned by God but is 
defined by the state in a  civil contract. According to Rousseau, “whoever 
dares to say there is no  salvation outside the Church should be chased out of 
the State, unless the State  is the Church, and the prince is the pontiff.” 
Wiker concludes that these  four philosophers laid the groundwork for the 
liberal secular revolution in the  United States. Their joint influence has 
reduced morality to hedonism, bodily  pleasures. Rights have been redefined 
as desires. Evil is the result of a bad  environment, not inherently wrong 
choices. 
Wiker rightly asserts that  in the United States, “secular liberalism has 
definite moral beliefs, quite  different from Christian morality, which 
liberals are trying to impose by  governmental force: contraception, abortion, 
infanticide, sexual libertinism,  easy divorce, the continual redefinition of 
marriage, euthanasia, and so  on.” 
The Obama Administration’s  move to force the Church to provide insurance 
coverage for contraception and  abortion is just the most recent example of 
the state attempting to impose its  views in the name of “tolerance.” 
Dr. Wiker  proves that ideas do indeed have consequences. In the secular 
state, freedom no  longer means choosing what is right or just; it now means 
doing whatever one  feels like doing. The act of choosing is all that 
matters. Choosing in itself  becomes the ultimate value. Without absolute 
truths to 
measure actions,  willingness becomes willfulness. What is an irrational 
action in  Judeao-Christian teaching has now been elevated to a necessary  
principle. 
========================================= 
The problem in the following mostly perceptive article is that the author  
assumes that the only thinkable choices are "puritanic" Christian morality 
or  utter nihilism. There is also the assumption -and it is just that, an 
assumption  not based on research-  that all Pagans were much the same and that 
all of  the anti-Pagan myths we have learned from youth are somehow true, 
when, in fact,  they are not. 
It is easy enough to think of societies that allow for all kinds of  
heterosexual forms of behavior  but that do not tolerate homosexuality.  Like 
early medieval Christian Europe with its acceptance of concubinage, like  19th 
century Mormon Utah and polygamy,  like Paul in first Corinthians  7 : 36-38 
discussing cohabitation between Christian men and  women even though he 
recommended marriage, and on and on. 
So there are problems with the review, but otherwise it makes some valid  
points. 
BR 
----- 
Human Events 
Worshipping the State
By: _Benjamin Wiker_ (http://www.humanevents.com/author/benjamin-wiker/)  
3/25/2013  
Author and speaker Benjamin Wiker, Ph.D. has published eleven books, his  
newest being _Worshipping the State: How Liberalism Became Our State  
Religion_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/Worshipping-State-Liberalism-Became-Religion/dp/1621570290)
 . His website is www.benjaminwiker.com 
*** 
As the Supreme Court hears arguments for and against gay marriage we might  
stand back from the whole judicial fracas and ask ourselves a larger and  
hopefully more startling question: “What is the government doing deciding 
what  marriage is?” 
This is really two questions in one. First, how did it come to be that we, 
as  a culture, are in a position where something seemingly so natural, 
something  that existed long before any governments were around, is now up for 
debate?  Second, why is it that we would look to a branch of the government to 
settle  that debate? 
The answer to the first question is rather complex. For centuries (not just 
 decades) liberalism has been picking away at the Christian foundations of  
Western culture. Liberalism is, in essence, a secular and secularizing 
movement;  it is historically defined by its opposition to Christianity. 
Wherever secular  liberalism spreads, Christianity recedes. Look at Europe. 
Christianity defined marriage by what we might call radical monogamy: a  
life-long, entirely exclusive union of one man and one woman. No sex before  
marriage. No concubines. No polygamy. No divorce (except for infidelity). No  
homosexuality. No fiddling with little boys. 
The pagan Roman culture into which Christianity was born smiled on sex  
wherever, whenever, and with whomever it occurred. Marriage was an important  
social institution in Rome, but it was not defined by radical monogamy.  
Concubines? No problem. Sex with your male and female slaves? No big deal.  
Divorce? Happens all the time. Got a favorite boy? Don’t we all. Like  
pornography? We’ll paint the walls of your villa next week. 
 
(http://www.humanevents.com/2013/03/25/god-gay-marriage-and-the-imperial-court/300x250_worshipping_the_state/)
 Homosexuality was as widespread in Rome 
as it was in Greece [false] ,  and, yes, in Rome there was gay marriage. 
Right at the top of society. The  emperor Nero married one Pythagoras, and we 
have reports of other such  unions. 
That was the marital, sexual status quo of the society into which  
Christianity was born. As Rome fell, and Christianity rose, the Christian  
understanding of sexuality and marriage transformed the Roman  
Empire—proto-Europe, 
we might call it. With that transformation the radical  monogamy of 
Christianity became the social, moral, legal standard, so normal  that it was 
regarded as natural. 

It is only because Christianity won out over pagan Rome that we are  having 
arguments about marriage today. If Christians had been summarily  
extinguished by imperial Rome, radical monogamy would have disappeared with it, 
 
along with opposition to homosexuality. 
Christianity’s radical monogamy is indeed based in nature, in the obvious  
complementarity of the sexes, male and female. But admittedly it asks a lot 
of  nature, pushing beyond mere convenience, and upwards to perfection. In a 
very  real way, Christianity asks more of marriage than mere mortals—in all 
our  weakness—have the power to give. But that is, in fact, a central 
doctrine of  Christianity: we are fallen and need God’s grace to do what is 
truly 
good, truly  right. 
Modern liberalism, arriving on the scene, said “no” to Christianity. “No” 
in  the secular sense of denying the existence of God, and hence of the 
whole  social, moral, legal apparatus of Christianity. But also “no” in the 
allegedly  humanitarian sense—Christianity asks too much; it sets the bar for 
sexuality and  marriage too high. 
And so liberalism said, “Radical monogamy is too much to ask. Loosen up the 
 strings on sexuality and marriage.” 
The sexual revolution is the loosening up of strings—so loose, in fact, 
that  we have returned pretty much to the situation of ancient pagan Rome. 
So, that’s the answer to the first question. We are debating what marriage  
is, and considering instituting gay marriage, because history has run a 
great  arc. De-Christianization has led us right back to pagan Rome, to the 
good old  pre-Christian days when sexuality was free to run wherever the 
passions led it.  The re-affirmation of homosexual marriage just completes the 
historical  arc.
Now for the second question. Why are we looking to one branch of government 
 to settle the issue of what marriage is? 
Historically, liberalism is a top-down revolution. It uses the power of the 
 government to reform society—through control of public education, through 
the  courts, through executive orders, through bureaucratic agencies. All 
organs of  the state. 
Liberals look to the state, in the way that Christianity looks to the  
church—as the institution responsible for evangelizing society. When persuasion 
 
doesn’t work (through public education or media propaganda), they resort to 
the  blunt use of judicial fiat. 
That’s why liberals want the Supreme Court to redefine marriage in  
Hollingsworth v. Perry. 
But that makes it, at the same time, an issue of church and state—the 
secular  state saying to the Christian church, a very imperial “We say that 
marriage is  this. You will affirm gay marriage. You will bend the knee before 
the  state.” 
And that just means, “Christians, you will bend the knee before  liberalism.
” 

-- 
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