So here is the nightmare. If the U.S., France, and some miscellaneous allies
strike at the regime, they could conceivably so weaken it that it would
collapse. Out of the ruins would emerge a radically anti-Western regime,
which would kill or expel several million Christians and Alawites. This
would be a political, religious, and humanitarian catastrophe unparalleled
since the Armenian genocide almost exactly a century ago.

Billy, 

 

It is not at all clear that a measured strike in response to the use
chemical weapons will weaken the Assad regime to the point of collapse.  It
is also not at all clear, as the article points out, that a post-Assad Syria
would be any improvement.  A post-Assad Syria might be much worse.  

 

The question is, what does the world do in response to the lethal and
significant use of chemical weapons?  The hideous deaths due to mustard gas
in WW I brought about a worldwide chemical weapons prohibition that has
largely held for almost 100 yrs.  What should Obama do?  Simply not respond?
Wait for UN approval (a joke that won't happen)?  The choices here are bad
and varying degrees of worse.

 

I am glad that I am not sitting in the Oval Office.

 

Chris

 

 

 

From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of [email protected]
Sent: Friday, September 06, 2013 3:49 PM
To: [email protected]
Subject: [RC] Christian genocide coming in Syria ?

 

 

 

Real Clear Politics is featuring a number of critiques of Obama this week.

True to form there also are some supportive essays, but when even

the Washington Post publishes a critical evaluation of BHO, you know

that something is rotten in Denmark.

 

Military Embarrassed by Obama's Amateurism
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/us-military-planners-dont-support-wa
r-with-syria/2013/09/05/10a07114-15bb-11e3-be6e-dc6ae8a5b3a8_story.html?wprs
s=rss_opinions>  - Robert Scales, Wash Post
Obama Is Deeply Unserious
<http://www.nationalreview.com/article/357745/unserious-commander-chief-char
les-krauthammer>  - Charles Krauthammer, National Review
Syria Strike Won't Solve Obama's Crediblity Crisis
<http://hotair.com/archives/2013/09/05/the-credibility-crisis-cant-be-solved
-with-tomahawk-missiles/>  - Ed Morrissey, Hot Air
Obama Loses Touch With Reality
<http://www.commentarymagazine.com/2013/09/04/in-stockholm-barack-obama-lose
s-touch-with-reality-syri/>  - Peter Wehner, Commentary
Barack Obama's Staggering Incompetence
<http://www.commentarymagazine.com/2013/09/02/barack-obamas-staggering-incom
petence/> - Peter Wehner, Commentary

 

 

 

Here is what means the most to me in this imbroglio :

 

 

 

from the site:

The American Conservative

 


Syria's Christians Risk Eradication


A post-Assad Islamist regime threatens to re-enact the Armenian genocide.


By Philip Jenkins
<http://www.theamericanconservative.com/author/philip-jenkins>  .
<http://www.theamericanconservative.com/articles/syrias-christians-risk-erad
ication/> September 4, 2013 

 

U.S. policy towards Syria is bafflingly inconsistent. If U.S. leaders are so
concerned about regimes slaughtering thousands of their own people, did they
notice what just happened in Egypt? If they are so exercised over about
weapons of mass destruction, are they aware that Israel has two hundred
nuclear warheads, with delivery systems? Will American warships in the
region be making those other stops on their liberating mission?

Most puzzling of all, though, is why the United States seems so determined
to eradicate Christianity in one of its oldest heartlands, at such an
agonizingly sensitive historical moment.

Syria has always been a complex place religiously. Although the country has
a substantial Sunni Muslim majority, it also has large minority
communities-Christians, Alawites, and others-who together make up over a
quarter of the population. Those communities have survived very successfully
in Syria for centuries, but the present revolution is a threat to their
continued existence.

Sadly, Westerners tend to assume that Arabs are, necessarily, Muslims, and
moreover, that Muslims are a homogeneous bunch. Actually, 10 percent of
Syrians are Alawites, members of a notionally Islamic sect that actually
draws heavily from Christian and even Gnostic roots: they even celebrate
Christmas. Locally, they were long known as Nusayris, "Little Christians."
Syria is also home to several hundred thousand Druze, who are even further
removed from Sunni orthodoxy.

And then there are the Christians. If Christianity began in Galilee and
Judea, it very soon made its cultural and intellectual home in Syria. St.
Paul famously visited Damascus, and for centuries Antioch was one of the
world's greatest Christian centers. (The city today stands just over the
Turkish border.) A sizable Christian population flourished under Islamic
rule, and continued under the Ottomans. Muslim and Christian populations
always interacted closely here. A shrine in Damascus's Great Mosque claims
to be the location of John the Baptist's head.

Christian numbers fluctuated dramatically over time. A hundred years ago,
"Syria," broadly defined, was home to a large and diverse Christian
population, including Catholics, Orthodox, and Maronites. In the 1920s, the
French arbitrarily carved out the country's most Christian sections and
designated that region "Lebanon," with its capital at Beirut.

In theory, that partition should have drawn a clear line between Christian
Lebanon and non-Christian Syria. But Syria itself was changing in the
aftermath of the catastrophic events of the First World War. The year 1915
marked the beginning of the horrendous genocide of perhaps 1.5 million
Armenians, as well as hundreds of thousands of Assyrians, Maronites, and
other Christian groups. After the war, Christians increasingly concentrated
in Syria, where they benefited from French protection.

Arab Christians, though, were anything but imperial puppets. Determined to
avoid a repetition of the horrors of 1915, Christians struggled to create a
new political order in which they could play a full role. This meant
advocating fervent Arab nationalism, a thoroughly secular order in which
Christians and other minorities could avoid being overwhelmed by the
juggernaut power of Sunni Islam. All Arab peoples, regardless of faith,
would join in a shared passion for secular modernity and pan-Arab
patriotism, in stark contrast to reactionary Islamism. The pioneering
theorist of modern Arab nationalism was Damascus-born Orthodox Christian
Constantine Zureiq. Another Orthodox son of Damascus was Michel Aflaq,
co-founder of the Ba'ath (Renaissance) Party that played such a pivotal role
in the modern history of both Iraq and Syria.

Since the 1960s, Syria has been a Ba'athist state, which in practice has
meant the hegemony of the religious minorities who dominate the country's
military and intelligence apparatus. Hafez al-Assad (President from 1971
through 2000) was of course an Alawite, but by the 1990s, five of his seven
closest advisers were Christian. His son Bashar is the current president,
and America's nemesis in the region.

Quite apart from their political influence, Christians have done very well
indeed in modern Syria. Although they try to avoid drawing too much
attention, it is no secret that Aleppo (for instance) has a highly active
Christian population. Christian numbers have even grown significantly since
the 1990s, as Iraqis fled the growing chaos in that country. Officially,
Christians today make up around 10 percent of Syria's people, but that is a
serious underestimate, as it omits so many refugees, not to mention thinly
disguised crypto-believers. A plausible Christian figure is at least 15
percent, or three million people.

To describe the Ba'athist state's tolerance is not, of course, to justify
its brutality, or its involvement in state-sanctioned crime and
international terrorism. But for all that, it has sustained a genuine refuge
for religious minorities, of a kind that has been snuffed out elsewhere in
the region. Although many Syrian Christians favor democratic reforms, they
know all too well that a successful revolution would almost certainly put in
place a rigidly Islamist or Salafist regime that would abruptly end the era
of tolerant diversity. Already, Christians have suffered terrible
persecution in rebel-controlled areas, with countless reports of murder,
rape, and extortion.

Under its new Sunni rulers, minorities would likely face a fate like that in
neighboring Iraq, where the Christian share of population fell from 8
percent in the 1980s to perhaps 1 percent today. In Iraq, though, persecuted
believers had a place to which they could escape, namely Syria. Where would
Syrian refugees go?

A month ago, that question was moot, as the Assad government was gaining the
upper hand over the rebels. At worst, it seemed, the regime could hold on to
a rump state in Syria's west, a refuge for Alawites, Christians, and others.
And then came the alleged gas attack, and the overheated U.S. response.

So here is the nightmare. If the U.S., France, and some miscellaneous allies
strike at the regime, they could conceivably so weaken it that it would
collapse. Out of the ruins would emerge a radically anti-Western regime,
which would kill or expel several million Christians and Alawites. This
would be a political, religious, and humanitarian catastrophe unparalleled
since the Armenian genocide almost exactly a century ago.

Around the world, scholars and intellectual leaders are debating how to
commemorate the approaching centennial of that cataclysm in 2015. Through
its utter lack of historical awareness, the United States government may be
pushing towards not a commemoration of the genocide but a faithful
re-enactment.

Even at this late moment, can they yet be brought to see reason?

Philip Jenkins is Distinguished Professor of History at Baylor University
and serves as Co-Director for the Program on Historical Studies of Religion
in the Institute for Studies of Religion.

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