Democrats Need to Keep an Eye on  Republican-Tilting Independent Voters
With polls showing the two parties neck and neck,  independents could 
heavily influence the midterms—and they're leaning  right.

 
 
By _Charlie Cook_ (http://www.nationaljournal.com/reporters/bio/2)  
September 23, 2013 | 

 
A consistent topic in this column so far this year has been  discussing 
what kind of election the 2014 midterm election will be and what it  will be 
about. My theory has been that it could either be a continuation of the  same 
GOP brand and image problems exhibited in 2012, particularly with women,  
younger, minority, and self-described moderate voters, or it could fit the  
pattern of second-term midterm elections since World War II, in which five out 
 of six times, the party holding the White House has gotten clobbered in 
the  House or Senate, or both. During second terms, a fatigue tends to set in. 
Voters  tire of the sitting president, and they become increasingly open to 
change or to  sending a message. Other analysts have framed the question of 
2014 slightly  differently: Will this election be a reflection of a very 
changed America and a  rejection of the GOP’s recent direction? Or will it be 
a referendum, in a highly  pejorative sense, on President Obama, Democrats, 
and health care reform, as we  saw in 2010? Both theories end up in 
essentially the same place. 
Obviously, the events of the coming month could very well  further define 
the contours of next year’s elections. Most believe that if  Republicans play 
their hand badly, it will dramatically increase the odds of the  former 
scenario; some GOP strategists feel that if they can just get through the  next 
month or so without self-inflicted wounds, then negative reactions to the  
implementation of the Affordable Care Act will help steer the public their 
way.  Polls are consistently showing that while more voters disapprove than 
approve of  the ACA, they don’t hate it enough to shut the government down 
over it, although  many in the GOP base think otherwise. 
One of the surveys I follow most closely is the  NBC News/Wall Street 
Journal poll, conducted jointly by  Democrat Peter Hart and Republican Bill 
McInturff, two of the very best  pollsters in the business. McInturff and his 
team at Public Opinion Strategies  recently did an analysis of NBC/WSJ polls, 
merging 9,455  voters surveyed in 2010 into one group, the 7,963 interviews 
conducted in 2012  into a second, and the 2,532 surveyed from June through 
this month into a third  for comparison. The study contained a mountain of 
data, but what grabbed my  attention were the results in each of the three 
groups on the generic  congressional ballot question. While this poll question 
cannot project how many  seats each side will win, it is a useful—if rough—
indicator of whether the  partisan winds are blowing, and if they are, in 
what direction and with what  intensity. It is important to keep in mind, 
however, that the generic-ballot  question tends to yield results that tilt 
about 
2 points more Democratic than  the national popular vote has ultimately 
ended up, regardless of who conducts  the survey or how precisely pollsters ask 
the question. Nevertheless, it is a  generally uniform tilt, so I just 
mentally subtract 2 points from the Democratic  net margin when analyzing these 
figures. 
Looking at Hart and McInturff’s totals, the 2010 merged data—as  would be 
expected, given the very strong Republican performance that Election  Day—
showed a GOP edge in the generic-ballot test of 45 percent to 43 percent (2  
points, but treat it as 4 points to account for the Democratic tilt). In 
2012, a  good year for Democrats, the party led 47 percent to 42 percent, a 
5-point  advantage, but again, we’ll knock it down to 3 points for the purposes 
of this  analysis. With these numbers for 2010 and 2012 in mind, how has the 
generic  ballot looked for the past almost four months? The answer: 
Democrats hold a  lead, 45 percent to 42 percent. Adjusted, this works out to a 
1-point lead,  essentially suggesting a draw at this point. 
Something that might be of concern to Democrats, however, is  that in this 
year’s data, independents are tilting Republican by 18 points, 43  percent 
to 25 percent. This is even more than the 14-point edge that the GOP had  in 
the 2010 polling (40 percent to 26 percent) and dramatically different from  
the 1-point Democratic edge in 2012 (35 percent to 34 percent). While  
independents tend to vote in smaller numbers than they do in presidential 
years, 
 so do some of the strongest Democratic groups, namely minorities, youths, 
and,  in particular, young women. These are the voters who made a huge 
difference for  the Democrats in the 2008 and 2012 elections. This turnout 
disparity between  midterm and presidential years spells trouble for Democrats. 
They overcame that  obstacle in 2006 by running strongly among those 
independents who had turned on  President Bush over the war in Iraq, among 
other 
things. The forces at work are  considerably different this time around. 
Overall, these data would suggest that one of the key dynamics  in 2014 
will be which way independents are going and by how much. Moreover, it  remains 
to be seen whether Democrats can motivate those undependable groups who,  
if they vote, cast their ballots by wide margins for  Democrats.

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