NY Post
 
Inside the Saudi 9/11 coverup
 
By _Paul  Sperry_ (http://nypost.com/author/paul-sperry/) 

December 15, 2013 
 
 
After the 9/11 attacks, the public was told al Qaeda acted alone, with no  
state sponsors. 
But the White House never let it see an entire section of Congress’  
investigative report on 9/11 dealing with “specific sources of foreign support” 
 
for the 19 hijackers, 15 of whom were Saudi nationals. 
It was kept secret and remains so today. 
President Bush inexplicably censored 28 full pages of the 800-page report.  
Text isn’t just blacked-out here and there in this critical-yet-missing 
middle  section. The pages are completely blank, except for dotted lines where 
an  estimated 7,200 words once stood (this story by comparison is about 
1,000  words). 
A pair of lawmakers who recently read the redacted portion say they are  “
absolutely shocked” at the level of foreign state involvement in the  
attacks. 
Reps. Walter Jones (R-NC) and Stephen Lynch (D-Mass.) can’t reveal the 
nation  identified by it without violating federal law. So they’ve proposed 
Congress  pass a resolution asking President Obama to declassify the entire 
2002 
report,  “Joint Inquiry Into Intelligence Community Activities Before and 
After the  Terrorist Attacks of September 11, 2001.” 
Some information already has leaked from the classified section, which is  
based on both CIA and FBI documents, and it points back to Saudi Arabia, a  
presumed ally. 
The Saudis deny any role in 9/11, but the CIA in one memo reportedly found  
“incontrovertible evidence” that Saudi government officials — not just 
wealthy  Saudi hardliners, but high-level diplomats and intelligence officers 
employed by  the kingdom — helped the hijackers both financially and 
logistically. The  intelligence files cited in the report directly implicate 
the 
Saudi embassy in  Washington and consulate in Los Angeles in the attacks, 
making 9/11 not just an  act of terrorism, but an act of war.
 
The findings, if confirmed, would back up open-source reporting showing the 
 hijackers had, at a minimum, ties to several Saudi officials and agents 
while  they were preparing for their attacks inside the United States. In 
fact, they  got help from Saudi VIPs from coast to coast: 
LOS ANGELES: Saudi consulate official Fahad al-Thumairy  allegedly arranged 
for an advance team to receive two of the Saudi hijackers —  Khalid 
al-Mihdhar and Nawaf al-Hazmi — as they arrived at LAX in 2000. One of  the 
advance 
men, Omar al-Bayoumi, a suspected Saudi intelligence agent, left the  LA 
consulate and met the hijackers at a local restaurant. (Bayoumi left the  
United States two months before the attacks, while Thumairy was deported back 
to 
 Saudi Arabia after 9/11.) 
SAN DIEGO: Bayoumi and another suspected Saudi agent, Osama  Bassnan, set 
up essentially a forward operating base in San Diego for the  hijackers after 
leaving LA. They were provided rooms, rent and phones, as well  as private 
meetings with an American al Qaeda cleric who would later become  notorious, 
Anwar al-Awlaki, at a Saudi-funded mosque he ran in a nearby suburb.  They 
were also feted at a welcoming party. (Bassnan also fled the United States  
just before the attacks.) 
WASHINGTON: Then-Saudi Ambassador Prince Bandar and his wife  sent checks 
totaling some $130,000 to Bassnan while he was handling the  hijackers. 
Though the Bandars claim the checks were “welfare” for Bassnan’s  supposedly 
ill 
wife, the money nonetheless made its way into the hijackers’  hands. 
Other al Qaeda funding was traced back to Bandar and his embassy — so much 
so  that by 2004 Riggs Bank of Washington had dropped the Saudis as a 
client. 
The next year, as a number of embassy employees popped up in terror probes, 
 Riyadh recalled Bandar. 
“Our investigations contributed to the ambassador’s departure,” an  
investigator who worked with the Joint Terrorism Task Force in Washington told  
me, though Bandar says he left for “personal reasons.” 
FALLS CHURCH, VA.: In 2001, Awlaki and the San Diego  hijackers turned up 
together again — this time at the Dar al-Hijrah Islamic  Center, a 
Pentagon-area mosque built with funds from the Saudi Embassy. Awlaki  was 
recruited 
3,000 miles away to head the mosque. As its imam, Awlaki helped  the 
hijackers, who showed up at his doorstep as if on cue. He tasked a handler  to 
help 
them acquire apartments and IDs before they attacked the Pentagon. 
Awlaki worked closely with the Saudi Embassy. He lectured at a Saudi 
Islamic  think tank in Merrifield, Va., chaired by Bandar. Saudi travel 
itinerary  
documents I’ve obtained show he also served as the ­official imam on 
Saudi  Embassy-sponsored trips to Mecca and tours of Saudi holy sites. 
Most suspiciously, though, Awlaki fled the United States on a Saudi jet 
about  a year after 9/11. 
As I first reported in my book, “Infiltration,” quoting from classified US 
 documents, the Saudi-sponsored cleric was briefly detained at JFK before 
being  released into the custody of a “Saudi representative.” A federal 
warrant for  Awlaki’s arrest had mysteriously been withdrawn the previous day. 
A 
US drone  killed Awlaki in Yemen in 2011. 
HERNDON, VA.: On the eve of the attacks, top Saudi  government official 
Saleh Hussayen checked into the same Marriott Residence Inn  near Dulles 
Airport as three of the Saudi hijackers who targeted the Pentagon.  Hussayen 
had 
left a nearby hotel to move into the hijackers’ hotel. Did he meet  with 
them? The FBI never found out. They let him go after he “feigned a  seizure,” 
one agent recalled. (Hussayen’s name doesn’t appear in the separate  9/11 
Commission Report, which clears the Saudis.) 
SARASOTA, FLA.: 9/11 ringleader Mohamed Atta and other  hijackers visited a 
home owned by Esam Ghazzawi, a Saudi adviser to the nephew  of King Fahd. 
FBI agents investigating the connection in 2002 found that visitor  logs for 
the gated community and photos of license tags matched vehicles driven  by 
the hijackers. Just two weeks before the 9/11 attacks, the Saudi luxury home  
was abandoned. Three cars, including a new Chrysler PT Cruiser, were left 
in the  driveway. Inside, opulent furniture was untouched. 
Democrat Bob Graham, the former Florida senator who chaired the Joint  
Inquiry, has asked the FBI for the Sarasota case files, but can’t get a single, 
 
even heavily redacted, page released. He says it’s a “coverup.” 
Is the federal government protecting the Saudis? Case agents tell me they  
were repeatedly called off pursuing 9/11 leads back to the Saudi Embassy, 
which  had curious sway over White House and FBI responses to the attacks. 
Just days after Bush met with the Saudi ambassador in the White House, the  
FBI evacuated from the United States dozens of Saudi officials, as well as 
Osama  bin Laden family members. Bandar made the request for escorts 
directly to FBI  headquarters on Sept. 13, 2001 — just hours after he met with 
the 
president. The  two old family friends shared cigars on the Truman Balcony 
while discussing the  attacks. 
Bill Doyle, who lost his son in the World Trade Center attacks and heads 
the  Coalition of 9/11 Families, calls the suppression of Saudi evidence a “
coverup  beyond belief.” Last week, he sent out an e-mail to relatives urging 
them to  phone their representatives in Congress to support the resolution 
and read for  themselves the censored 28 pages. 
Astonishing as that sounds, few lawmakers in fact have bothered to read the 
 classified section of arguably the most important investigation in US  
history. 
Granted, it’s not easy to do. It took a monthlong letter-writing campaign 
by  Jones and Lynch to convince the House intelligence panel to give them 
access to  the material. 
But it’s critical they take the time to read it and pressure the White 
House  to let all Americans read it. This isn’t water under the bridge. The 
information  is still relevant ­today. Pursuing leads further, getting to 
the bottom of  the foreign support, could help head off another 9/11. 
As the frustrated Joint Inquiry authors warned, in an overlooked addendum 
to  their heavily redacted 2002 report, “State-sponsored terrorism 
substantially  increases the likelihood of successful and more ­lethal 
attacks 
within the  United States.” 
Their findings must be released, even if they forever change US-Saudi  
relations. If an oil-rich foreign power was capable of orchestrating  
simultaneous bulls-eye hits on our centers of commerce and defense a dozen 
years  ago, 
it may be able to pull off similarly devastating attacks today. 
Members of Congress reluctant to read the full report ought to remember 
that  the 9/11 assault missed its fourth target: them.

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