NYT
 
The Bubble Is  Back  
By PETER J. WALLISON
Published:  January 5, 2014

 
WASHINGTON — IN November, housing starts were up 23  percent, and there was 
cheering all around. But the crowd would quiet down if it  realized that 
another housing bubble had begun to grow. 
 
Almost everyone understands that the 2007-8 financial  crisis was 
precipitated by the collapse of a huge housing bubble. The Obama  
administration’s 
remedy of choice was the Dodd-Frank Act. It is the most  restrictive financial 
regulation since the Great Depression — but it won’t  prevent another 
housing bubble.  
Housing bubbles are measured by comparing current  prices to a reliable 
index of housing prices. Fortunately, we have one. The  United States Bureau of 
Labor Statistics has been keeping track of the costs of  renting a 
residence since at least 1983; its index shows a steady rise of about  3 
percent a 
year over this 30-year period. This is as it should be; other things  being 
equal, rentals should track the inflation rate. Home prices should do the  
same. If prices rise much above the rental rate, families theoretically would  
begin to rent, not buy.  
Housing bubbles, then, become visible — and can  legitimately be called 
bubbles — when housing prices diverge significantly from  rents.  
In 1997, housing prices began to diverge substantially  from rental costs. 
Between 1997 and 2002, the average compound rate of growth in  housing 
prices was 6 percent, exceeding the average compound growth rate in  rentals of 
3.34 percent. This, incidentally, contradicts the widely held idea  that the 
last housing bubble was caused by the Federal Reserve’s monetary  policy. 
Between 1997 and 2000, the Fed raised interest rates, and they stayed  
relatively high until almost 2002 with no apparent effect on the bubble, which  
continued to maintain an average compound growth rate of 6 percent until 2007,  
when it collapsed.  
Today, after the financial crisis, the recession and  the slow recovery, 
the bubble is beginning to grow again. Between 2011 and the  third quarter of 
2013, housing prices grew by 5.83 percent, again exceeding the  increase in 
rental costs, which was 2 percent.  
Many commentators will attribute this phenomenon to  the Fed’s low interest 
rates. Maybe so; maybe not. Recall that the Fed’s  monetary policy was 
blamed for the earlier bubble’s growth between 1997 and  2002, even though the 
Fed raised interest rates during most of that period.  
Both this bubble and the last one were caused by the  government’s housing 
policies, which made it possible for many people to  purchase homes with 
very little or no money down. In 1992, Congress adopted what  were called “
affordable housing” goals for Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, which are  huge 
government-backed firms that buy mortgages from banks and other lenders.  Then, 
as 
now, they were the dominant players in the residential mortgage  markets. 
The goals required Fannie and Freddie to buy an increasing quota of  
mortgages made to borrowers who were at or below the median income where they  
lived.  
Through the 1990s and into the 2000s, the Department  of Housing and Urban 
Development raised the quotas seven times, so that in the  2000s more than 
50 percent of all the mortgages Fannie and Freddie acquired had  to be made 
to home buyers who were at or below the median income. To make  mortgages 
affordable for low-income borrowers, Fannie and Freddie reduced the  down 
payments on mortgages they would acquire. By 1994, Fannie was accepting  down 
payments of 3 percent and, by 2000, mortgages with zero-down payments.  
Although these lenient standards were intended to help low-income and minority  
borrowers, they couldn’t be confined to those buyers. Even buyers who could  
afford down payments of 10 to 20 percent were attracted to mortgages with 3  
percent or zero down. By 2006, the National Association of Realtors reported  
that 45 percent of first-time buyers put down no money. The leverage in 
that  case is infinite.  
This drove up housing prices. Buying a home became  preferable to renting. 
A low or nonexistent down payment meant that families  could borrow more and 
still remain within the monthly payment they could afford,  especially if 
it was accompanied — as it often was — by an interest-only loan or  a 
30-year loan that amortized slowly. In effect, then, borrowing was constrained  
only by appraisals, which were ratcheted upward by the exclusive use of  
comparables in setting housing values.  
Today, the same forces are operating. The Federal  Housing Administration 
is requiring down payments of just 3.5 percent. Fannie  and Freddie are 
requiring a mere 5 percent. According to the American Enterprise  Institute’s 
_National Mortgage Risk_ (http://www.housingrisk.org/)   Index data set for 
Oct. 2013, about half of those getting mortgages to buy homes  — not to 
refinance — put 5 percent or less down. When anyone suggests that down  
payments 
should be raised to the once traditional 10 or 20 percent, the outcry  in 
Congress and from brokers and homebuilders is deafening. They claim that  
people 
will not be able to buy homes. What they really mean is that people won’t  
be able to buy expensive homes. When down payments were 10 to 20 percent 
before  1992, the homeownership rate was a steady 64 percent — slightly below 
where it  is today — and the housing market was not frothy. People simply 
bought less  expensive homes.  
If we expect to prevent the next crisis, we have to  prevent the next 
bubble, and we will never do that without eliminating leverage  where it 
counts: 
among home buyers

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