Real Clear Politics  /  Real Clear World
 
 
January 8, 2014  
Easing China's One-Child Policy Won't Stop Demographic  Decline
By _Joseph  Chamie_ (http://www.realclearworld.com/authors/joseph_chamie/) 


In an attempt to mitigate a near-certain demographic future of rapid aging, 
 shrinking labor force and critical gender imbalance, the Chinese 
government has  adjusted its one-child policy. The decision demonstrates that, 
irrespective of a  nation's politico-economic system, governments cannot avoid 
demography's  juggernaut consequences. This mid-course correction in population 
policy will  have marginal effect as _China_ 
(http://realclearworld.com/topic/around_the_world/china/?utm_source=rcw&utm_medium=link&utm_campaign=rcwaut
olink) 
is aging at a much faster pace than occurred in other countries. This, 
along  with a shrinking workforce and critical gender imbalance, will 
increasingly tax  the government. 
The new policy, set at the provincial level, will permit couples to have 
two  children if either the husband or wife is an only child. Under the 
previous  policy, two children were allowed for ethnic minorities, rural 
families 
whose  firstborn is a daughter, and couples with both spouses as only  
children. 

 
China instituted its one-child policy in the late 1970s because it feared  
that its rapidly growing population placed an untenable burden on economic  
growth and improving standards of living. At the start of the 1970s, China's 
 fertility rate was above five children per couple and its population was 
growing  at more than 2 percent per year, adding more than 20 million Chinese 
annually.  If the demographic growth of the 1970s had persisted, China 
would perhaps have  added 400 million people more to its current population of 
1.39 billion. 
As a result of rapid declines in birth and death rates over the past four  
decades, China's life expectancy at birth has increased by more than 10 
years to  75 years. With steep declines in fertility and increasing longevity, 
China's  population has aged rapidly over the past 40 years, with the median 
age nearly  doubling from 19 to 35 years. The adoption of the one-child 
policy also  accelerated the decline in the proportion of China's children, 
falling  precipitously from 40 percent in 1970 to 18 percent today. 
In contrast, the working-age population aged 15 to 64 years jumped from 56 
to  73 percent, higher than the 62 percent average for more developed 
countries. The  extraordinary age-structure transformation allowed China to 
benefit from the  demographic dividend, a short-term productive advantage due 
to a 
large labor  force relative to small numbers of dependent young and old. 
Throughout the past  four decades, China's potential support ratio, or 
working-age persons per  retiree, was high, early on 14 working-age persons per 
retiree, and now eight,  versus three per retiree in Germany, _Italy_ (
http://realclearworld.com/topic/around_the_world/italy/?utm_source=rcw&utm_medium=lin
k&utm_campaign=rcwautolink) 
and _Japan_ 
(http://realclearworld.com/topic/around_the_world/japan/?utm_source=rcw&utm_medium=link&utm_campaign=rcwautolink)
   and five per retiree in 
_Australia_ 
(http://realclearworld.com/topic/around_the_world/australia/?utm_source=rcw&utm_medium=link&utm_campaign=rcwautolink)
 ,  Canada and the 
_United  States_ 
(http://realclearworld.com/topic/around_the_world/united_states/?utm_source=rcw&utm_medium=link&utm_campaign=rcwautolink)
 . 

 
Also, before the one-child policy, China's sex ratio at birth averaged 
around  107 boys for every 100 girls. Ten years after the policy's adoption, 
the 
ratio  reached 115 boys for 100 girls and may exceed 125 in some provinces, 
reflecting  the strong preference for sons, especially in rural farming 
areas. China's  unusually high sex ratio at birth indicates extensive use of 
sex-selective  abortion. The number of young males unable to find brides is 
estimated at more  than 25 million. 
The critical factor determining China's future population is the level of  
fertility. If China's current fertility of about 1.6 births per woman were 
to  remain constant, its population would peak at 1.44 billion in a dozen 
years and  then begin declining, reaching a population of 1.33 billion by 
mid-century and  868 million by the century's end. 
n addition, constant fertility would reduce the proportions of children and 
 the working-age population and nearly triple the proportion of elderly to 
25  percent. As a result, China's current potential support ratio of 8.3 
working-age  persons per retiree would fall to 2.5 persons per retiree by 
mid-century.  China's fertility could also decline further, perhaps approaching 
low levels of  Germany, Hong Kong, Italy and Japan. Further reduction in 
Chinese fertility to  1.3 births per woman - the low variant - would accelerate 
population decline,  shrinking labor force and aging, with China's 
population peaking at 1.40 billion  by this decade's end, then declining to 600 
million by 2100. In 50 years,  one-third of the population would be elderly and 
the potential support ratio  would fall to an unprecedented 1.6 working-age 
persons per retiree. 
Estimates by Chinese officials and some scholars, however, suggest the  
relaxation in policy may lead to an increase of up to 2 million births per 
year,  possibly a 10 percent increase - increasing China's fertility rate from 
the  current 1.6 births per woman to about 1.8 births per woman. With such a 
rise in  fertility, the medium variant, China's population would peak at 
1.45 billion in  2030 and then decline to around 1 billion by the century's 
close. Again, the  population would continue aging, the elderly accounting for 
one-quarter of the  population by 2050, and the potential support ratio 
falling to 2.6 working-age  persons per retiree. If China decided to further 
relax to a "two-child policy,"  the number of additional births might reach 5 
million annually, with the  fertility rate perhaps rising to replacement 
level. Under the instant  replacement scenario, China's future population does 
not decline, but stabilizes  around 1.6 billion by mid-century. The Chinese 
population, however, would still  age, with the proportion elderly increasing 
to a fifth and the potential support  ratio falling to three working-age 
persons per retiree. 
If China ended the one-child policy altogether, future fertility could,  
although improbable, exceed the replacement level. For example, if Chinese  
fertility increased to a quarter-child above replacement, the high variant,  
China's population by the close of the century would be nearly 1.8 billion.  
China's population would not attain stabilization, but would continue 
growing at  about 0.5 percent per year, an annual addition of 8 million 
Chinese. 
Even with a baby "boomlet," China's labor force would continue to shrink 
and  a gender imbalance would persist for generations. 
In addition to increasing fertility, the relaxation of the one-child policy 
 may improve China's gender imbalance at least at birth. With more couples  
allowed to have a second child, the effects of the son preference on the 
sex  ratio at birth should, in principle, be reduced. Also with the changing 
role and  status of women in China, attitudes toward raising daughters are 
becoming more  favorable. China may follow the pattern experienced in _South  
Korea_ 
(http://realclearworld.com/topic/around_the_world/korea/?utm_source=rcw&utm_medium=link&utm_campaign=rcwautolink)
 
, where high sex ratios at birth declined to normal levels. Even  if this 
does occur, the overall Chinese gender imbalance would remain for many  
decades. 
No doubt uncertainty exists about the precise demographic impact of the 
most  recent relaxation of China's one-child policy. 
Even if China were to experience a baby "boomlet," the country would 
continue  to age, its labor force shrink and its gender imbalance persist for 
generations.  Also, while a rise in the birthrate would increase the demands 
for 
housing,  education, food, care and related services, at least two decades 
would pass  before the boomlet babies entered the workforce and paid taxes. 
Moreover, the  favorable demographic dividend of many workers and few 
elderly that benefited  China's economy since 1980 is coming to an end. Soon 
the 
numbers of working-age  Chinese per retiree will fall to levels of more 
developed countries. Although  China had hoped otherwise, increasingly it 
appears 
the population will become  old before it is rich. 
Finally, irrespective of China's decisions to relax its one-child policy,  
fertility is not likely to increase markedly in the foreseeable future. 
Major  forces pointing to continuation of low Chinese fertility include 
increasing  urbanization, smaller and costly housing, expanding higher 
education and 
career  opportunities for women, high financial costs and time pressures 
for  childrearing, and changing attitudes and lifestyles. China may soon 
discover, as  many countries have concluded, raising low fertility rates is 
more 
challenging  than reducing high fertility.

-- 
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