Patheos
 
Science on Religion
 
My employer: The Institute for the Bio-Cultural Study  of Religion
 
 
 
 
January 13, 2014 By _Connor Wood_ 
(http://www.patheos.com/blogs/scienceonreligion/author/connorwood/)  Connor  
Wood
 
 
 
(http://wp.patheos.com.s3.amazonaws.com/blogs/scienceonreligion/files/2014/01/Screen-shot-2011-03-07-at-4.27.26-PM.png)
 If you ever read op-eds on 
religion in major newspapers, or the comments  below those op-eds, you know 
that religion is one of those rare topics about  which everyone feels entitled 
to hold a (usually very strong) opinion, but not  everyone feels an 
accompanying obligation to study in depth. There are a few  others out there: 
economics, evolution. But by and large, because religion  brings up people’s 
deepest concerns and has a reputation for depending on  evidence-free faith, 
many 
folks assume that they can rely on individual opinion,  gut feelings, and 
popular wisdom to talk about religion. I disagree. I think we  can learn 
real, surprising, concrete things about religion, using both the  rigorous 
methods of science and the robust interpretive tools of the humanities.  This 
is 
exactly what _my  employer_ (http://ibcsr.org/) , the Institute for the 
Bio-Cultural Study of Religion, does. 
The Institute for the Bio-Cultural Study of Religion, also known as IBCSR, 
is  an independent research institution based in the greater Boston area. 
Most of  its researchers live in Boston and are affiliated with Boston 
University, but a  handful are spread across the country and world, at places 
like 
USC in Los  Angeles or the University of Navarra in Spain. Everyone 
associated with the  Institute is working on something fascinating, whether 
it’s the 
_neural underpinnings of religious cognition_ 
(http://www.ibcsr.org/index.php/institute-research-portals/neuroscience-and-religious-cognition-project)
  
or the  physiological basis for _meditation’s beneficial effects on tissue 
inflammation_ 
(http://www.ibcsr.org/index.php/institute-research-portals/spirituality-and-health-causation-project)
 . 
I first got involved with IBCSR when, in 2009, I started writing 
pop-science  articles on religion research for the Institute’s public-outreach 
site, 
_ScienceOnReligion.org_ (http://scienceonreligion.org/) . (Which, at the 
time, was just  called IBCSR.org – a name that led to lots of puzzled faces at 
parties,  when kindly, interested people realized they’d never be able to 
remember such a  random assortment of consonants.) Before long, I was becoming 
deeply interested  in – and conversant with – the scientific study of 
religion, and realized that I  wanted to devote a significant chunk of my 
career 
to it. 
Now, four years later, I’m most of my way through _my  doctorate_ 
(http://www.bu.edu/gdrs/academics/religionscience/)  and working directly on 
three 
separate research projects at IBCSR.  I’m lucky enough to have the rare 
opportunity of standing more or less at the  threshold of knowledge for a given 
field, knowing that the research I do will  push that threshold a little 
further outwards – shedding a little more light on  what, for everyone, had 
previously been darkness. I think this is rad. 
IBCSR researchers make use of a staggering variety of different research  
tools and methods, drawn from a number of fields. To take one example, the 
_Spectrums  Project_ (http://spectrumsproject.org/) , an investigation of the 
ideological conservative-liberal continuum  in religious communities, has as 
its main research tool the large, online-based  Multidimensional Religious 
Ideology survey (which you can _find and take yourself here_ 
(http://www.exploringmyreligion.org/register.php?goto=mri) , after signing up). 
But beneath 
 the survey and its development is a theoretical model rooted in 
evolutionary  dynamics and complex systems theory. A team comprised of IBCSR 
director 
Wesley  Wildman, fellow doctoral fellow Nick DiDonato, and I spent nearly a 
year _combing through the literature_ 
(http://www.ibcsr.org/index.php/bibliographies/131-bibliography-on-the-scientific-study-of-the-left-right-ideologic
al-spectrum)  and hammering together a  theoretical model before we tested 
the first versions of the survey. 
Meanwhile, over at the Boston VA Medical Center, IBCSR director and  
neuroscientist Patrick McNamara is leading a three-year project to study 
_neuroscience and religious cognition_ 
(http://www.bumc.bu.edu/len/cognition-and-religious-coping-in-parkinsons-disease-project/)
  – thinking about  religious 
concepts, like “God,” “heaven,” or “Allah.”  A central element of  his 
project relies on fcMRI (functional connectivity magnetic resonance imaging)  
scans to examine the brains of Parkinson’s disease patients. Parkinson’s (PD) 
 patients were chosen because the illness often leaves advanced left-onset 
PD  patients less interested in, or able to emotionally relate to, religious 
ideas.  By conducting tests and comparing fcMRI scans, McNamara and his 
research team  hope to learn more about which specific areas or circuits of the 
brain are  implicated in this process – and, by inference, which areas are 
involved in in  processing religious concepts. 
Alongside Boston University research psychologist Catherine 
Caldwell-Harris,  I’m also spearheading _a project_ 
(http://www.ibcsr.org/index.php/institute-research-portals/148-group-synchrony-and-social-hierarchy-project)
  to 
study how synchronous bodily activities – of the  sort I’ve described 
previously on this blog – affect hierarchies in groups. In  conversations and 
lab 
meetings, Caldwell-Harris and I wondered whether  unresolved status tensions 
and unstable social hierarchies might present a  fitness threat for 
group-dwelling humans in our ancestral past. We then  hypothesized that 
rituals, 
especially those including shared, rhythmic bodily  motions, might help 
neutralize these status conflicts, allowing groups to  function better – and 
their 
members to survive longer. This academic year, we’re  testing this 
hypothesis in the lab with research volunteers from Boston  University. 
The name of the Institute for the Bio-Cultural Study of Religion gives a 
clue  to its multidisciplinary agenda. Namely, it’s both, well, biological and 
 cultural. You might be familiar with the nature-nurture debates in 
academia and  society at large – for example, are humans blank slates at birth, 
able to be  programmed with anything their culture comes up with? Or are we 
genetically  determined, destined to live out the fate of our species as 
encoded in our DNA?  I think the answer is “neither.” As evolved animals, 
humans 
share a genetic  history that informs and constrains our cultures and our 
lives. At the same  time, culture is an incredibly potent force in human 
existence; as anyone who’s  ever tried to get along in a foreign country knows, 
different religious ideas  and sensibilities can lead to completely divergent 
ways of seeing the world. 
And so in our scientific investigations of religious phenomena, most of us 
at  IBCSR try to balance our focus on underlying evolutionary universals 
with a  sensitive awareness of the profound effects of culture – we assume that 
culture  and biology feed back on each other, creating unique behaviors and 
ecosystems  that can be wildly complex and unpredictable. (But not so 
complex that we can’t  learn anything about them.) 
This is the only way, I think, we’re going to get anywhere on a lot of  
important questions, including the evolutionary roots and potential functions 
of  religion. If you focus too much on the genetic universals (as 
evolutionary  psychologists sometimes do), you might make sweeping 
generalizations that 
just  don’t fit the facts of any particular society or culture. If you 
focus  exclusively on unique cultures and refuse to accept a biological basis 
for any  human behaviors (as many humanities scholars do), then you’re at a 
loss to  explain a lot of the recurrent patterns in human societies. You have 
to split  the difference – humans are evolved animals with encoded behaviors 
and  tendencies, but these tendencies can get activated, modulated, 
changed,  co-opted, or suppressed in all kinds of wild ways by culture. 
In this way, IBCSR researchers try to do something that’s not very popular 
in  today’s intellectual (and popular) climate: shy away from extremes. In 
my own  work, I tend to assume that blanket statements or black-and-white 
thinking are  going to lead me to dead ends. Religion isn’t all bad, no matter 
what  the Internet atheists say. Humans aren’t completely programmed by 
their  genes, but neither are they completely shaped by culture. (I honestly  
can
’t imagine how anyone subscribes to any of these extremes, but partisans of 
 one side or another sometimes seem like outright majorities in academia 
and the  public alike.) 
I’d like to change some of this black-and-white conversation about 
religion.  I’d also like to get people thinking more about evolution, about 
what it 
means  for us to be evolved animals in a strange, biological world. This 
doesn’t mean  religious people have to be afraid that I or other IBCSR 
researchers are trying  to “explain away” religion or faith. It does mean that 
certain beliefs are out –  the human species isn’t 6,000 years old, for 
example. But learning about the  roles rituals, beliefs, and religion have 
played 
in our biological history may  give believers profound clues about the 
meaning and import of their faith –  because whatever else we are, we certainly 
are animals (ever read _Ecclesiastes_ (http://biblia.com/bible/esv/Ec3.18-21) 
?). 
My colleagues at IBCSR are atheists, Catholics, panentheists, agnostics,  
believers, and nonbelievers. By grappling with the quirky mystery of religion 
 using the tools of research, many of us find that our own spiritual 
questions  become sharper, clearer, and better-articulated. Of course, this 
doesn’
t mean we  find answers to these questions. But we don’t necessarily leave 
our  questions at home when we come in to the lab. 
This is how religion should be studied, I think – by people who are 
committed  to learning new things, to mastering new methods, and to drawing 
skillfully (and  maybe a bit recklessly) from as many disciplines as it takes 
to 
knock open the  impassive riddles of religious belief, practice, and culture. 
This is research  that yearns to explain, not to explain away. Explanation, 
for me, doesn’t mean  the anticlimax of suddenly terminating a line of 
inquiry, the closing of the  question. Explanation means opening new avenues of 
inquiry, uncovering  unexpected new facets of the thing to be studied, 
penetrating its meaning and  context. Explanation, in other words, is not so 
separate from interpretation. It  gives us something real and interesting to 
say, 
so that we don’t sound ignorant  when we write or talk about religion. But 
it also doesn’t close down avenues for  finding even newer and more 
interesting things to say. And that’s the  way it should be.




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