WSJ
 
Boko Haram and the Kidnapped Schoolgirls
The Nigerian terror group reflects the general Islamist  hatred of women's 
rights. When will the West wake up?

 
 
May 8, 2014
 
 
 



 


 
By  
Ayaan Hirsi  Ali 


 
May 8, 2014 7:18 p.m. ET
Since the kidnapping of 276 schoolgirls in Nigeria  last month, the meaning 
of Boko Haram—the name used by the terrorist group that  seized the girls—
has become more widely known. The translation from the Hausa  language is 
usually given in English-language media as "Western Education Is  Forbidden," 
though "Non-Muslim Teaching Is Forbidden" might be more accurate.  
But little attention has been paid to the group's  formal Arabic name: 
Jam'at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-da'wa wal-Jihad. That roughly  translates as "The 
Fellowship of the People of the Tradition for Preaching and  Holy War." That's 
a 
lot less catchy than Boko Haram but significantly more  revealing about the 
group and its mission. Far from being an aberration among  Islamist terror 
groups, as some observers suggest, Boko Haram in its goals and  methods is in 
fact all too representative. 
The kidnapping of the schoolgirls throws into bold  relief a central part 
of what the jihadists are about: the oppression of women.  Boko Haram 
sincerely believes that girls are better off enslaved than educated.  The 
terrorists' mission is no different from that of the Taliban assassin who  shot 
and 
nearly killed 15-year-old Pakistani Malala Yousafzai—as she rode a  school 
bus home in 2012—because she advocated girls' education. As I know from  
experience, nothing is more anathema to the jihadists than equal and educated  
women. 
How to explain this phenomenon to baffled Westerners, who these  days seem 
more eager to smear the critics of jihadism as "Islamophobes" than to  stand 
up for women's most basic rights? Where are the Muslim college-student  
organizations denouncing Boko Haram? Where is the outrage during Friday 
prayers?  These girls' lives deserve more than a _Twitter_ 
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Organizations like Boko Haram do not arise in  isolation. The men who 
establish Islamist groups, whether in Africa (Nigeria,  Somalia, Mali), 
Southeast 
Asia (Afghanistan, Pakistan), or even Europe (U.K.,  Spain and the 
Netherlands), are members of long-established Muslim communities,  most of 
whose 
members are happy to lead peaceful lives. To understand why the  jihadists are 
flourishing, you need to understand the dynamics within those  communities. 
So, imagine an angry young man in any Muslim  community anywhere in the 
world. Imagine him trying to establish an association  of men dedicated to the 
practice of the Sunnah (the tradition of  guidance from the Prophet Muhammad 
). Much of the young man's preaching will  address the place of women. He 
will recommend that girls and women be kept  indoors and covered from head to 
toe if they are to venture outside. He will  also condemn the 
permissiveness of Western society.  
What kind of response will he meet? In the U.S. and  in Europe, some 
moderate Muslims might quietly draw him to the attention of  authorities. Women 
might voice concerns about the attacks on their freedoms. But  in other parts 
of the world, where law and order are lacking, such young men and  their 
extremist messages thrive. 
Where governments are weak, corrupt or nonexistent,  the message of Boko 
Haram and its counterparts is especially compelling. Not  implausibly, they 
can blame poverty on official corruption and offer as an  antidote the pure 
principles of the Prophet. And in these countries, women are  more vulnerable 
and their options are fewer. 
But why does our imaginary young zealot turn to  violence? At first, he can 
count on some admiration for his fundamentalist  message within the 
community where he starts out. He might encounter opposition  from established 
Muslim leaders who feel threatened by him. But he perseveres  because 
perseverance in the Sunnah is one of the most important keys to  heaven. As he 
plods 
on from door to door, he gradually acquires a following.  There comes a point 
when his following is as large as that of the Muslim  community's 
established leaders. That's when the showdown happens—and the  argument for 
"holy 
war" suddenly makes sense to him. 
The history of Boko Haram has followed precisely this  script. The group 
was founded in 2002 by a young Islamist called Mohammed Yusuf,  who started 
out preaching in a Muslim community in the Borno state of northern  Nigeria. 
He set up an educational complex, including a mosque and an Islamic  school. 
For seven years, mostly poor families flocked to hear his message. But  in 
2009, the Nigerian government investigated Boko Haram and ultimately arrested 
 several members, including Yusuf himself. The crackdown sparked violence 
that  left about 700 dead. Yusuf soon died in prison—the government said he 
was killed  while trying to escape—but the seeds had been planted. Under one 
of Yusuf's  lieutenants, Abubakar Shekau, Boko Haram turned to jihad. 
In 2011, Boko Haram launched its first terror attack  in Borno. Four people 
were killed, and from then on violence became an integral  part, if not the 
central part, of its mission. The recent kidnappings—11 more  girls were 
abducted by Boko Haram on Sunday—join a litany of outrages, including  
multiple car bombings and the murder of 59 schoolboys in February. On Monday, 
as  
if to demonstrate its growing power, Boko Haram launched a 12-hour attack in 
the  city of Gamboru Ngala, firing into market crowds, setting houses aflame 
and  shooting down residents who ran from the burning buildings. Hundreds 
were  killed. 
I am often told that the average Muslim  wholeheartedly rejects the use of 
violence and terror, does not share the  radicals' belief that a degenerate 
and corrupt Western culture needs to be  replaced with an Islamic one, and 
abhors the denigration of women's most basic  rights. Well, it is time for 
those peace-loving Muslims to do more, much more,  to resist those in their 
midst who engage in this type of proselytizing before  they proceed to the 
phase of holy war. 
It is also time for Western liberals to wake up. If  they choose to regard 
Boko Haram as an aberration, they do so at their peril.  The kidnapping of 
these schoolgirls is not an isolated tragedy; their fate  reflects a new wave 
of jihadism that extends far beyond Nigeria and poses a  mortal threat to 
the rights of women and girls. If my pointing this out offends  some people 
more than the odious acts of Boko Haram, then so be it. 

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