Sydney Morning Herald
 
Lessons from Europe's political  earthquake

Comment  (editorial)
 
May 27, 2014
 
 
Anyone surprised by the political earthquake in western Europe has not been 
 paying attention. The confluence of economic stagnation, loose immigration 
and  constrictive monetary union has driven an inevitable rise of nativism 
and  nationalism as people revolt against what they see as the occupation of 
their  countries by a bureaucratic class operating above democracy. 
The elections for the European Parliament this week gave a pan-European  
platform for a revolt against pan-European ideology. Millions of people want  
their countries back. They do not want bureaucrats in Brussels running their 
 lives. Another schism has opened between the indebted south of Europe and 
the  debt-holding north. A third schism has opened up between the European 
Monetary  Union advocates and those who think the euro has become an economic 
 straitjacket. Yet another schism exists between Europe’s rapidly growing 
Muslim  population and anti-Muslim nativists, especially working-class 
Christians. 
That is too many schisms for comfort. When you put them all together in a  
Europe-wide election, you get a Euroquake. The results for the 28-nation  
European Parliament elections showed a vote of no-confidence across numerous  
electorates for traditional political parties and traditional centrism. In 
the  most traumatised states, the centre did not hold. 
Although the 751-seat European Union legislature will see centre parties  
holding a majority, the number of Eurosceptics inside the new Parliament will 
 double to about 180.



The most dramatic outcomes of these elections have been seismic. In 
Britain,  the UK Independence Party, which wants Britain out of the EU, topped 
the 
poll  with 28 per cent of the vote, ahead of Labour’s 25.7 per cent and the  
Conservatives’ poor 24.5 per cent. Prime Minister David Cameron has 
promised a  referendum on Britain’s membership of the EU in 2017. 
Similarly seismic was the result in France, where the anti-Muslim, 
anti-Euro  National Front humiliated President Francois Hollande’s ruling 
Socialist 
Party  by topping the vote with 25 per cent, ahead of the conservative UMP’s 
21 per  cent, with the Socialists wallowing a distant third on 14.5 per 
cent. The leader  of the National Front, Marine Le Pen, summed up the sentiment 
of the  insurrection: ''This is a massive rejection of the EU. What is 
happening in  France prefigures what will happen in all European countries, the 
return of the  nation.'' 
Most of the parties of revolt want the euro dead. They want the European  
Monetary Union dissolved. They want the European Union to function as a  
free-trade zone, not a federal state. They want the EU bureaucracy to cost 
less, 
 intrude less and stop behaving like an unelected government. And they want 
more  secure borders. 
In Greece, the most economically ravaged state in Europe, radical parties 
of  the left and right won a combined 40 per cent of the vote. In prosperous  
Denmark, the anti-immigration People's Party topped the poll. In Hungary, 
the  far-right Jobbik party finished second. In the Netherlands, the 
anti-Islam,  Eurosceptic Dutch Freedom Party, led by Geert Wilders, finished 
joint  
second. 
In Spain, which has been in a depression, the Popular Party and the 
Socialist  Party saw the combined 80 per cent dominance of the vote they had in 
2009 sink  to a new low of 49 per cent. The recently-formed Podemos party, 
created out of  protest against Spain’s austerity measures, took five seats 
from 
the  Socialists. 
There are lessons for Australia, despite our very different circumstances.  
The trajectory of debt and deficit under Labor, which put Australia on a 
path to  match European levels in 10 years, showed how important it is to 
arrest the  trend early. The visceral reaction of the Australian public to boat 
people issue  also showed the power of border sovereignty as a national 
issue. 
Even though Australia has not suffered from the debt-driven stagnation and  
high unemployment across much of Europe, the volatility of the Labor Party 
over  the past four years, and the tepid enthusiasm for the Coalition 
alternative, has  seen an outbreak of populist rejection of the major parties, 
exploited by Clive  Palmer and his Palmer United Party. This small taste of 
European-style revolt  has already made the Senate an unpredictable and 
precarious place for the  federal budget and all that lies beyond.

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