Worthwhile article that explains some of he reasons why the American public 
is silent about killings of Christians in Iraq, Syria, and other nations  in
the Mid East. But, since it is written from the perspective of an  Obama
supporter it leaves other considerations out.
 
(1) Millions of Americans hate Christians; this is an  undeniable fact and 
just
as undeniable is the fact that close to 100% of Christian-haters love  
Obama.
And all of them are well aware that Obama has no interest in help for  the
Christians of the Mid East.  Of course, neither did George W  Bush,
but since he was supportive of Christians in America, he was
unloved by the Christian-haters.
 
(2) Most Americans are blissfully ignorant of history generally and history 
 of
religions specifically, nor are very many informed about the  lessons
of Comparative Religion. They don't understand why any Christians  live
in the Mid East,  totally unaware that the region was mostly Christian  in
the past and was still about 20% Christian as recently as 1900. But,  hey,
let's all focus on STEM and on free trade and entertainment TV and
to hell with our collective memory, viz., history.
 
(3) Related to #1 above, is the fact that few Americans are willing to  
confront the
fact that Obama's withdrawal from Iraq has led to the successes of ISIL,  
since
with a presence of maybe 20,000  US troops in Iraq, the current mess  would
never have happened. But to face that fact would also mean facing the  fact
that voting for Obama was a mistake inasmuch as the withdrawal was  merely
a symptom of his general incompetence, or as various military  officers
have said disparagingly, "he is an amateur." But no-one can then say, 
"we can look to the Republicans as a viable alternative" since Bush  Jr
was approximately just as incompetent. This serves to (partly)  discredit
Evangelical religion since Evangelical enthusiasm was a major factor 
in electing and re-electing Bush II. Its all an embarrassment, in other  
words,
and much better to try and forget that Christians even exist in the Mid  
East.
 
(4) Finally, for now, is the quietism of many Evangelicals because of the  
debacle
of losses in the realm of American culture and politics, which they have  
extreme
difficulty understanding objectively because their ideology is based on  
ideals
not on a strong sense of realism with all its warts still attached. Thus a  
retreat
into all kinds of good things  -charity, help for the homeless, food  for 
the poor,
medical help for the destitute, and much else-  as if these excellent  
things
constitute 100% of Christian faith.  It isn't that these things are  not 
good;
on the contrary, they are Very Good. But they aren't all that  faith is 
about.
But since these things are taken as 100% of faith, well, the  Christians
of the Mid East are on their own  -unless, because of Christian  charity,
the survivors of massacres may be helped to leave the Mid East
and relocate to America.
 
These are my thoughts, searching for a answers. I feel certain that
I have missed still other factors and maybe have misinterpreted some
of what has just been written about, but at least here is an attempt 
to identify the causes of the problem.
 
Billy
 
================================================
 
 
Christian  Century
 
The politics of not  defending Middle Eastern Christians
Aug  21, 2014 by _Benjamin J. Dueholm_ 
(http://www.christiancentury.org/contributor/benjamin-j-dueholm)  

 
“Why is the world silent while Christians are being slaughtered in  the 
Middle East and Africa?” _asks Ronald S. Lauder_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/20/opinion/ronald-lauder-who-will-stand-up-for-the-christians.html?hp&actio
n=click&pgtype=Homepage&module=c-column-top-span-region&region=c-column-top-
span-region&WT.nav=c-column-top-span-region&_r=0&gwh=3200030CB8BA12A599CC586
C499FA1CF&gwt=pay&assetType=opinion) . The World  Jewish Congress president 
frames the question in a larger paint-by-numbers  argument defending Israel’
s assault on Gaza and criticizing the moral instincts  of “beautiful 
celebrities,” reporters, and the U.N. who have not responded  adequately to the 
brutality of Boko Haram and ISIS. 
An argument like Lauder's is liable to predictable demands for  greater 
American military involvement in the region. But the silence he names is  real. 
Why has American reaction been so muted? 
In part it's a consequence of American politics. Our concern for  global 
atrocities tends to track our geopolitical stances rather closely, and  many 
of the Christian communities of the Middle East have been on the wrong side  
of our foreign-policy consensus. 
There was debate last year over the proper extent of our involvement  in 
Syria’s civil war, but there was limited dissent from the view that we should  
support the forces working to overthrow Bashar al-Assad. Unfortunately for  
Syrian Christians, these are the forces that have been most ferociously  
attacking them. Americans couldn't plead for Christians' interests without  
running afoul of the generally accepted goal of seeing Assad’s dictatorial but 
 comparatively tolerant regime end. Indeed, the people most strongly urging 
 American action against ISIS in Iraq today were calling for us to  
intervene on the side of ISIS in Syria last year. 
As Rob Elshman _points out_ 
(http://www.jewishjournal.com/rob_eshman/article/why_doesnt_the_world_care_when_christians_die)
 , a similar dilemma is  
presented by the long-running tragedy in Iraq. Our 2003 invasion triggered a  
massive slaughter and displacement of a large Christian population that had 
been  protected by the Hussein regime. While the war itself was 
controversial, the  goal of “regime change” was accepted by both Democrats and 
Republicans long  before the Bush administration chose to invade. The Copts of 
Egypt 
were likewise  orphaned by the widespread conviction that Hosni Mubarak’s 
secular dictatorship  had to end in 2011. And the Christians of the West Bank, 
though only fitfully  subjected to Israeli violence, have suffered from 
over a decade and a half of  intensified occupation, similarly supported by 
both U.S. parties. 
To noisily defend Christians under al-Assad or Hussein or Mubarak,  
however, is to sound suspiciously soft on dictators—and to do so with  
Palestinian 
Christians is to sound suspiciously critical of Israel. If& Iran were 
persecuting its Christian minority, our  policymakers and leading media would 
no 
doubt be outraged. 
But the uncomfortable place of Middle Eastern Christians in our  
geopolitics can only explain official reticence on their  plight. The relative 
silence 
in American civil society suggests something deeper  than the awkward 
omissions of a sclerotic foreign-policy establishment. 
It’s just possible that Arab Christians are too “other” to engage  the 
sympathy of many American Christians. A vast canyon of history, culture, and  
sometimes theology separates most American Christians from their Syrian and  
Chaldean co-religionists. Thirteen years of hostile religious, political, 
and  media rhetoric has taken its indiscriminate toll. A 2012 _poll_ 
(http://b.3cdn.net/aai/4502fc68043380af12_oum6b1i7z.pdf)  by the Arab American 
Institute found  nearly identical unfavorable opinions—among white Americans in 
particular—toward  Muslims (most of whom are not Arabs) and Arabs (many of 
whom are not  Muslim). 
It's also possible that Arab Christians are simultaneously too  “Western” 
to fully engage the sympathy of secular-minded progressives who think  
intuitively in post-colonial terms. When Pope Francis called on the world to  
stop ISIS—without endorsing any particular means of doing so—Vox’s Max  Fisher 
_immediately saw an analogy to the  Crusades_ 
(http://www.vox.com/2014/8/18/6031559/news-from-1096-ad-pope-endorses-military-force-to-destroy-middle)
 . 
(Fisher later noted that Francis hadn’t specifically called for  war, but 
he left the analogy in place). But these Christian communities are  ancient 
and “indigenous” in any meaningful sense of the term, older than most  
Western European Christian communities. 
This perceptual gap on both left and right may, however, be exactly  what 
allows an American Christianity riven by internal battles to advocate  
together for the protection of Christians and other minorities in the region.  
Already the strongest media voices for Middle Eastern Christians can be found 
on  the “paleoconservative” right, where concern for conforming to the 
foreign  policy consensus is low and appreciation for the history and faith of 
these  ancient communities is high. It is not hard to imagine their arguments  
influencing other, less idiosyncratic conservatives. 
Why can't progressive Christians take up a similar task in moving  debate 
on the left? A new war to protect these communities would be unwise. But  our 
nation always ends up trying to stabilize and settle these conflicts, and  
Christians can work to keep the security of religious minorities central.  
Whatever else can be said for or against our policies in the region, their  
security hasn't been a priority in the past. If there’s any prospect for that 
to  change, American Christians will have to play a leading  role.

-- 
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Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
<[email protected]>
Google Group: http://groups.google.com/group/RadicalCentrism
Radical Centrism website and blog: http://RadicalCentrism.org

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