Turin shroud was made for medieval Easter ritual, historian  says
Charlotte Higgins ("The Guardian," October 23, 2014) 
When it is exhibited next year in Turin, for the first time in five years, 
2  million people are expected to pour into the city to venerate a 
four-metre  length of woven cloth as the shroud in which Jesus Christ was 
wrapped 
after his  crucifixion, and on to which was transferred his ghostly image. 
Despite the fact that the cloth was radiocarbon-dated to the 14th century 
in  1988, an array of theories continue to be presented to support its 
authenticity  – including, this year, the idea from scientists at the 
Politecnico 
di Torino  that an earthquake in AD 33 may have caused a release of neutrons 
responsible  for the formation of the image. 
But, according to research by British scholar and author Charles Freeman, 
to  be published in the journal History Today, the truth is that the shroud 
is not  only medieval, just as the radiocarbon dating suggests, but that it 
is likely to  have been created for medieval Easter rituals – an explanation 
that flies in the  face of what he called “intense and sometimes absurd 
speculation” that coalesces  around it. 
Freeman, the author of Holy Bones, Holy Dust: How Relics Shaped the History 
 of Medieval Europe, studied early descriptions and illustrations of the 
shroud.  None predates 1355, the year of its first documented appearance in a 
chapel in  Lirey near Troyes in France, before it was acquired by the House 
of Savoy in  1453 and “converted into a high-prestige relic” to shore up 
the power base of  the insecure Alpine dukedom. 
In particular, he turned up a little-known engraving by Antonio Tempesta, 
an  artist attached to the Savoyard court, who made a meticulously detailed 
image of  one of the ceremonial displays of the cloth to pilgrims in 1613. 
“Astonishingly,” he writes, “few researchers appear to have grasped that 
the  shroud looked very different in the 16th and 17th centuries from the 
object we  see today.” 
The Tempesta engraving, as well as a number of 15th- and 16th-century  
first-hand descriptions, emphasise a feature that is much less obvious now –  
that the figure was covered in blood and scourge marks, relating to Christ’s  
flagellation. These extensive markings can be explicitly related, argues  
Freeman, to a focus on blood in depictions of the crucifixion that emerged in  
the 14th century – a “dramatic” change in iconography that sharply  
differentiates depictions of the crucified Christ from those of earlier  
centuries, and which reflects revelations of a bloody, wounded Christ reported  
by 
mystics such as Julian of Norwich in the 14th century. 
The original purpose of the shroud, argues Freeman, is likely to have been 
as  a prop in a kind of medieval, theatrical ceremony that took place at 
Easter –  the Quem quaeritis? or “whom do you seek?” 
“On Easter morning the gospel accounts of the resurrection would be  
re-enacted with ‘disciples’ acting out a presentation in which they would enter 
 
a makeshift tomb and bring out the grave clothes to show that Christ had 
indeed  risen,” he said. 
Freeman’s idea was shored up by his study of the earliest illustration of 
the  shroud – on a pilgrim badge of the 1350s found in the Seine in 1855. On 
it, two  clerics hold up the shroud, and beneath is an empty tomb. 
The church officially regards the shroud with an open mind: as a object to 
be  venerated as a reminder of Christ’s passion, rather than, necessarily, 
the  physical imprint of his body. 
Next year, millions of pilgrims will beg to disagree – as they will with  
Freeman’s argument that places the shroud at the birth of northern European  
drama rather than at the dawn of Christianity, and that identifies the 
images on  it as traces of a “crude and limited” painting of the 14th  century.

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